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An analysis of theories and practices of diversity management, as illustrated in the case of the Netherlands, shows that they are too narrowly focused on redressing imbalances experienced by ethnic minorities and bridging cultural differences between majorities and ethnic minorities in the workplace. Agencies in the field of diversity management have fallen back on a limited and standardized stock of methods that ignore the specificity of organizational dynamics and largely operate in isolation from existing equity policies. The influence of diversity management has thus remained quite superficial. A contextual approach would broaden both the body of thought and the repertory of methods of diversity management, and strengthen its political and social relations. Such an approach would respond to its most challenging tasks; fostering social justice, enhancing productivity, and breaking the circle that equates cultural difference with social inequality.

The article reviews the book, "Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity," by Amy Bentley.

The article reviews the book, "Franchir le mur des conflits," by David S. Weiss, translated by Jean Boivin.

The article reviews the book, "Contracting Masculinity: Gender, Class, and Race in a White-Collar Union, 1944-1994," by Gillian Creese.

The author reflects on the impact of Debouzy on his own work in movement history and offers observations on the shifting terrain of social history. this includes increased emphasis on race, gender, and cultural identities as well as efforts to reach a wider audience.

Analysant la mobilité sociale dans le gouvernement de Québec sous le Régime français, ce mémoire aborde la propriété seigneuriale en tant qu'illustration de la promotion sociale dans la vallée du Saint-Laurent au XVIIe et au XVTIIe siècle. Cette analyse, portant sur une soixantaine d'individus aux origines modestes, issus notamment de la paysannerie, ayant accédé à la propriété seigneuriale, se veut une contribution a l'étude de la promotion sociale en Nouvelle-France. Quatre parties constituent l'essentiel de ce mémoire. L'origine de ces individus et les modes d'élévation sociale sont étudiés dans une première servant de cadre contextuel et de présentation sociodémographique. Les trois chapitres suivants visent à répondre plus directement à la problématique de l'étude, à savoir l'impact socio-économique de la propriété seigneuriale chez ces seigneurs aux humbles origines. La durabilité de la propriété seigneuriale, ainsi que le fait d'y résider ou non et le peuplement de la seigneurie sont les éléments étudiés dans le deuxième chapitre. Le troisième chapitre aborde la question du prestige tributaire de la seigneurie, en s'intéressant aux appellations attribuées aux seigneurs, de méme que les fortunes seigneuriales, pour connaître l'incidence économique de la propriété seigneuriale. Dans un dernier temps, le quatrième chapitre met en relief les alliances matrimoniales des familles seigneuriales, également révélatrices du possible impact de la possession d'une seigneurie. Au sein de cette société française d'Ancien Régime, transplantée sur les rives du Saint- Laurent, d'importantes mutations s'opèrent. L'une de ces transformations est perceptible par la plus grande possibilité de mobilité sociale, quasi inexistante en France. Par l'analyse des destins d'hommes dont la naissance ne laissait en rien présager un tel parcours, ce mémoire vise a comprendre l'enjeu de la propriété seigneuriale pour de tels individus ainsi que ses répercussions.

The article examines the evolution of Quebec's three major trade union federations--the Federation des travailleurs et travilleuses du Québec, the Centrale des syndicats nationaux, and the Centrale des syndicats du Québec--on the question of Quebec sovereignty since 1960. In the course of the four decades since the emergence of the modem sovereignty movement, the three federations adopted increasingly sympathetic attitudes and eventually became stalwarts of the sovereignty coalition. In the process Quebec labour activists shed their fears about the economic repercussions of sovereignty and espoused the notion of a sovereign nation-state, mainly because they came to see it as a way to implement social-democratic and labour-oriented policies.

Analyzes the anti-labour stance of the Vancouver Sun and how this affected the newspaper's coverage of business and labour issues. The bias became especially pronounced after Hollinger (Conrad Black) assumed ownership. The article is an excerpt from a larger report by Newswatch Canada that also discussed the Sun's coverage of provincial elections and the poor.

The article reviews the book, "Ravenswood: The Steelworkers' Victory and the Revival of American Labor," by Tom Juravich and Kate Bronfenbrenner.

The author reflects on his involvement with the Ontario Workers Arts and Heritage Centre in Hamilton, Ontario. Discusses historians' efforts to reach a wider audience, the use of artifacts and primary sources, and the competing arenas of historical interpretation. Concludes that working people could be involved with planning, development and organization of a presentation, and that presentations should be, at least to some extent, empowering.

The article reviews the book, "Marching Together: Women of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porter," by Melinda Chateauvert.

Discusses French, German and American approaches to writing social history, and why the author, a German, found a home in the French tradition of Marianne Debouzy, whom he also came to know. Illustrates how small stories can illuminate the bigger historical picture.

Discusses the extensive surveillance of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers by the RCMP and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service from the 1960s-80s, and the union's efforts under the Access to Information Act as well as court challenges to obtain documentation of it. Also discusses the Canadian Labour Congress's 1996 resolution that called for the disbandment of the security service.

During most of their history, Canadian universities, institutions staffed by and serving largely middle class people, have not been hospitable to organized labour or the political left. Professors who expressed support for such causes generally found that doing so often strained the limits of academic freedom as it was understood by governing boards, administrators, a good many academics, and many people outside the institutions. If the situation has improved during the last three decades, one reason is that faculty unions have become commonplace. More important, however, may be that the outside world has come to pay less attention to what professors say, on almost any subject, than used to be the case.

The article reviews the book, "Mixed Methodology: Combining Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches," by Abbas Tashakkori and Charles Teddlie.

Examines the US courts' interventions in the labour arena including in the Detroit newspapers' dispute and investigations of the Teamsters' alleged corruption that overturned the election of a reform candidate. Argues that the anti-corruption crusade is a smokescreen for a global order controlled by big business.

Introduces the symposium held in Paris on 6-7 November 1998 in honour of social historian Marianne Debouzy (1929-2021), who was a member of Labour/Le Travail's international advisory board, on the occasion of her retirement. Summarizes the six papers chosen for publication in the issue.

The judicial and political failure of Prime Minister R. B. Bennet's New Deal legislation during the mid-1930's shifted the struggle to reconstitute capitalism to the provincial and municipal levels of the state. Attempts to deal with the dislocations of the Great Depression in Ontario focused on the "sweatshop crisis" that came to dominate political and social discourse after 1934. Ontario's 1935 Industrial Standards Act (ISA) was designed to bring workers and employers together under the auspices of the state to establish minimum wages and work standards. The establishment of New Deal style industrial codes was premised on the mobilization of organized capital and organized labor to combat unfair competition, stop the spread of relief-subsidized labor, and halt the predations of sweatshop capitalism. Although the ISA did not bring about extensive economic regulation, it excited considerable interest in the possibility of government intervention. Workers in a diverse range of occupations, from asbestos workers to waitresses, attempted to organize around the possibility of the ISA. The importance of the ISA lies in what it reveals about the nature of welfare, wage labor, the union movement, competitive capitalism, business attitudes toward industrial regulation, and the role of the state in managing the collective affairs of capitalism. The history of the ISA also suggests that "regulatory unionism," as described by Colin Gordon in his work on the American New Deal, may have animated key developments in Canadian social, economic, and labor history.

The hotly debated report from the frontlines of mounting backlash against multinational corporations. A national bestseller, No Logo took Canadians by storm when it was published last year in hardcover. Equal parts cultural analysis, political manifesto, mall-rat memoir, and journalistic exposé, it is the first book to uncover a betrayal of the central promises of the information age: choice, interactivity, and increased freedom. No Logo takes apart our packaged and branded world and puts the pieces into clear pop-historical and economic perspective. Naomi Klein tracks the resistance and self-determination mounting in the face of our new branded world and explains why some of the most revered brands in the world are finding themselves on the wrong end of a bottle of spray paint, a computer hack, or an international anti-corporate campaign. --Publisher's description, Vintage edition

The article reviews the book, " Legalizing Gender and Equality: Courts, Markets and Unequal Pay for Women in America," by Robert L. Nelson and William P. Bridges