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The article reviews the book, "Reforming Urban Labor: Routes to the City, Roots in the Country," by Janet L. Polasky.

Although the 1960s are overwhelmingly associated with student radicalism and the New Left, most Canadians witnessed the decade's political, economic, and cultural turmoil from a different perspective. Debating Dissent dispels the myths and stereotypes associated with the 1960s by examining what this era's transformations meant to diverse groups of Canadians - and not only protestors, youth, or the white middle-class.With critical contributions from new and senior scholars, Debating Dissent integrates traditional conceptions of the 1960s as a 'time apart' within the broader framework of the 'long-sixties' and post-1945 Canada, and places Canada within a local, national, an international context. Cutting-edge essays in social, intellectual, and political history reflect a range of historical interpretation and explore such diverse topics as narcotics, the environment, education, workers, Aboriginal and Black activism, nationalism, Quebec, women, and bilingualism. Touching on the decade's biggest issues, from changing cultural norms to the role of the state, Debating Dissent critically examines ideas of generational change and the sixties. --Publisher's description

Alberta remains the only Canadian province to exclude agricultural workers from the ambit of its occupational health and safety laws. Consequently, farm workers have no right to know about workplace safety hazards and no right to refuse unsafe work, thereby increasing their risk of a workplace injury. This study uses qualitative content analysis to identify three narratives used by government members of the legislative assembly between 2000 and 2010 to justify the continued exclusion of agricultural workers from basic health and safety rights. These narratives are: (1) education is better than regulation, (2) farms cannot be regulated, and (3) farmers don’t want and can’t afford regulation. Analysis of these narratives reveals them to be largely invalid, raising the question of why government members rely upon these narratives. The electoral rewards associated with maintaining this exclusion may comprise part of the explanation.

This study examines the validity of injury statistics used to monitor workplace safety in the Canadian province of Alberta. These indicators were found to significantly under–report the rate of injury and to be vulnerable to gaming by both employers and the workers´compensation board. These threats to the validity of the measures should limit the inferences drawn from the measures. Injury–based statistics were also found to be inadequate proxies for the broader construct of workplace safety. The political feasibility of alternative measures is also discussed.

La conclusion d’accords-cadres internationaux (ACI) est en pleine expansion depuis le début des années 2000. Mais comment s’explique l’hétérogénéité des contenus de ces accords ? En l’absence de tout cadre juridique, certains accords définissent succinctement des principes généraux dont l’application devra être négociée dans chacune des filiales, d’autres détaillent précisément des normes substantives applicables dans toutes les entités du groupe. Dans cet article, nous focalisons notre analyse sur les dispositions portant sur la fonction « ressources humaines », c’est-à-dire sur les règles de GRH définies par la direction générale des ressources humaines (DGRH), notamment en matière de rémunération, de conditions de travail et de formation ainsi que sur les missions qui lui sont imparties. En nous inscrivant dans la lignée des travaux d’Anselm Strauss, nous étudions le lien entre le contenu de l’accord, les objectifs poursuivis par les signataires et négociateurs des ACI (les fédérations syndicales internationales - FSI, et les directions des groupes signataires) et les autres éléments du contexte de la négociation. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que le contenu de l’accord dépend des « positionnements » des négociateurs (logique quantitative ou qualitative pour les FSI; politique d’image ou politique sociale pour les directions) et du contexte de la négociation. Nous justifions cette hypothèse avant de la tester en comparant les dispositions « ressources humaines » d’ACI conclus dans des firmes multinationales françaises. Nous appuyons cette démonstration sur l’exemple de quatre groupes français (Accor, France Télécom, Danone et EDF) ayant fait l’objet d’une étude de cas longitudinale approfondie, dans le cadre d’un vaste programme de recherche financé par l’Agence nationale pour la recherche.

A eulogy is presented for the labour historian of the U.S. working class David Montgomery.

Temporary help agency employment is a peculiar and often precarious employment form that has become increasingly salient in Canada in recent decades. This article examines the effects of the expansion of this employment form upon labour unions, as well as union responses to this phenomenon. Using a qualitative exploratory method, various effects upon union organizing and representation activities are outlined, as are a range of union responses to the phenomenon.

The article reviews the book, "Making Up the State: Women in 20th Century Atlantic Canada," edited by Janet Guildford and Suzanne Morton.

The article reviews the book, "Girls of the Factory: A Year with the Garment Workers of Morocco," by M. Laetitia Cairoli.

Chronicles the development of gaming casinos on First Nations from 1996-2010, and various drives and court decisions pertaining to certification of casino workers. Analyzes the resistance of First Nation leaders to unionization. Concludes that while workers remain unorganized, the prospect of unionization has improved their compensation and benefits.

The temporary work industry has undergone considerable expansion in Canada and in Quebec in the last decade. Becoming an important mechanism in the functioning of the labour market, it provides not only increased numerical and functional flexibility for companies, but is also a favoured means of access to the labour market for many workers, including young workers. Personnel leasing falls within the framework of tripartite labour relations between the employee, the agency and the client company. This type of relationship is not without its particular difficulties, the solution for which is often hard to find since the personnel leasing activity, as such, is not regulated in Quebec. The question is to determine, considering the precise nature of the tripartite relationship, whether the employees' recognized rights can be exercised, in practice, in such a way as to achieve their specific purpose.

In France, the relative decline of sectoral collective bargaining, as well as changes in the law relating to the employment contract during the late 1980s, have restored some flexibility to the employer and employee in determining contract terms, thus contributing to a process of individualization of the employment relationship. Companies are thereby better able to take account of the constraints imposed by the labour market and, in particular, can attract the most qualified candidates. To do this, they are often dependent on recruitment intermediaries who have a better knowledge of the state of the market. The objective of this paper is to analyze how these various recruitment channels affect the determination of starting salaries, examining in particular to what extent they bring employers and employees to negotiate the terms of their contracts of employment.

Généralement traité par la bande ou scruté à l’aide d’un nombre de documents assez restreint, l’Ordre des Chevaliers du travail au Québec échappe encore et toujours à la compréhension des spécialistes. L’image que les historiens, sociologues et experts en relations industrielles ont pu en livrer a entraîné des appréciations très négatives : l’aile québécoise de la centrale syndicale américaine étant montrée comme un mouvement utopiste, trop éloigné des besoins immédiats des travailleurs et de la réalité du monde industriel. À renfort de nouvelles sources, nous présentons un portrait tout autre de son cheminement organisationnel. Non seulement l’expérience des chevaliers québécois est-elle tout à fait remarquable, mais elle façonnera une génération de travailleurs et probablement davantage. Dans le paysage le plus laborieux et capricieux du Canada, Montréal, ils ont entamé une collaboration intense entre francophones et anglophones. Cherchant à construire un rapport de force sur le terrain, ils ont privilégié le syndicalisme de métier, tout en expérimentant avec le syndicalisme industriel à une échelle insoupçonnée par l’historiographie. Ouverts aussi aux immigrants de l’Europe du Sud et de l’Est, de même qu’aux femmes, les chevaliers dérangèrent donc l’ordre existant. C’est pourquoi, plus que tout autre mouvement syndical québécois avant lui, l’Ordre affronta l’hostilité du clergé catholique. Toutefois, le catholicisme joua également dans le sens contraire lorsque, suite à la diffusion de Rerum Novarum, les ouvriers s’inspirèrent de la légitimité offerte à l’organisation du travail pour relancer le mouvement dans les années 1890.

Explores the diversity of Canadian community unionism, including labour-community coalitions and community-based workers' organization. Concludes that the unions must take community unionism more seriously as a means of renewal, that unions are "swords of justice" rather than "vested interests."

The article reviews the book, "Family and Community Life in Northeastern Ontario: The Interwar Years," by Françoise Noël.

The article reviews the book, "Unsettling the Settler Within: Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation in Canada," by Paulette Regan.

Focusing on a case study of a union organizing effort at the La Platosa mine in northern Mexico from 2009-2012, this paper studies the challenges facing labour activism at Canadian mining companies in Mexico within the context of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The positions of the Mexican and the Canadian governments in relation to contemporary workers’ struggles in Mexico’s mining sector are considered, particularly the latter’s adoption of a ‘corporate social responsibility’ approach to addressing the activities of Canadian extractive firms abroad. By studying the outcome of the request for mediation filed by La Platosa miners with the Canadian government’s Extractive Sector CSR office in 2011 and evaluating the evolution of this government’s policy approach to extractive companies abroad since 2009, we find that CSR as practiced by the Canadian government has been ineffective at mitigating abusive practices by Canadian mining companies in Mexico and that an alternate outcome is not to be expected under existing policy structures. The relative strengths and weaknesses exhibited during labour organizing at the La Platosa mine are evaluated to find both locally specific and more broadly applicable strategies which could be applied to union renewal, both by workers employed under NAFTA’s transnational sector, and by the general labour movement.

The article reviews the book, "Cooking in Other Women's Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865-1960," by Rebecca Sharpless.

Detailed examination from a labour militancy perspective of work stoppages in Canada from 1960 to 2004. Statistical data is enhanced with qualitative measures (newspaper accounts) of two strikes: the 8-month Miki Skools strike in the 1980s, and the 3-month Puretex strike of women garment workers in the 1970s.