Your search

Using International Social Survey Program data, we explore the relationship between economic context and attitudes with respect to the distribution of incomes in 20 modern societies, including Canada. Our findings demonstrate that economic inequality has an enduring influence on attitudes. Consistent with the economic self-interest thesis, preferences for equality are strongest among those in working-class occu- pations. Moreover, independent of one’s own social class, one’s father’s social class has a similar enduring impact on attitudes later in life. These relationships are relatively similar across the 20 societies we explore. Still, significant differences in attitudes can be explained by national economic context. We find a strong positive relationship between national-level inequality and opinions on how much inequality there ought to be in the income distribution. In contrast to previous research, however, our findings suggest that national-level economic prosperity and equality of opportunity have little influence on public opinion.

The theory and practice of community unionism has been central to discussions of alt-labor, union renewal, and revitalization, particularly in relation to union praxis at the urban or local scale. This comparative case study explores two labor-community campaigns to defend public child care services in the context of neoliberal austerity in urban/suburban space. While labor-community coalitions are a necessary—if not sufficient—condition for success, in urban/suburban contexts in which community allies are weak and municipal administrations hostile, public-sector unions must continue to play a leading role in campaigns despite the risk of being cast as defenders of sectional interests rather than of the public good. In such contexts, union involvement in community organizing is a necessary precursor to successful labor-community campaigns.

We use simulation methods and a detailed tax calculator to analyze the likely effects of two recent pro- posals aimed at reforming the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP): the federal proposal, eventually implemented throughout Canada, and the Quebec government’s December 2016 proposal. Accounting for education- adjusted life expectancy, earnings variability over the course of a career, and their interactions with the tax code and retirement income system, we find that internal rates of return (IRRs) for new QPP contribu- tions are similar under both reforms for individuals with lifetime average annual earnings of more than $40,000. Both reforms yield substantial IRRs for low-income individuals. Although the Quebec proposal offers higher IRRs for individuals earning less than $40,000, the federal proposal yields greater present value benefits for these same individuals. We show that if new QPP benefits were exempted from the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) clawback, and provided that the working income tax benefit and GIS were not enhanced, the two reforms would yield similar IRRs for individuals with average earnings of more than $15,000. The QPP reform would thus better focus on the middle-income earners originally targeted by reform advocates.

We investigate the post-layoff configuration of income sources and pathways of prime-age and older laid- off workers exhibiting a high degree of prior attachment. Using a unique Canadian administrative database that links the event of the involuntary layoff with detailed data on income receipt, we track all of their sources of income over an interval spanning five years after layoff. We conduct a multivariate statistical analysis of the incidence of relying on income from several alternative sources, specifically early retirement (both public and private), reemployment, self-employment, or reliance on social insurance benefits (other than pensions). The two most common states for laid-off workers who have not yet reached normal retirement age are early retirement and continued labour market activity. Our findings indicate that the older workers are at the point of layoff, the greater the likelihood is that they will rely on pension income as their primary income source. This incidence of reliance on pension income also increases with the number of years elapsed since the point of layoff.

We address health capacity to work among older Canadian workers with a specific focus on differences by gender and region. We find that in 2012 men would have needed to work more than five additional years between ages 55 and 69 to keep pace with how much men worked in 1976, holding health capacity constant. For working women, the comparable result is only two years more work. Most of these gaps arose before the mid-1990s; since then, employment advances have offset mortality improvements. Regionally, more than half the Ontario–Atlantic employment difference among older men is rooted in health differences.

Analysis of amended data from a large-scale Canadian employment audit study (Oreopoulos 2011) shows substantial organization size differences in discrimination against skilled applicants with Asian (Chinese, Indian, or Pakistani) names in the decision to call for an interview. In organizations with more than 500 employees, Asian-named applicants are 20 percent less likely to receive a callback; in smaller organizations, the disadvantage is nearly 40 percent. Large organizations may discriminate less frequently because of more resources in recruitment and training, more human resources development, and greater experience with diversity. Anonymized résumé review may allow organizations to test hiring procedures for discrimination fairly inexpensively.

This article examines workers’ experiences with a union characterized by a social unionist framing and repertoire in the political realm and bureaucratic servicing of problems in the workplace realm. It analyzes interviews with members and officials about union strategies within privatized homecare predominately provided by immigrant women in Toronto. Workers report both consensual and tense relations with clients prompting them to praise their union’s political strategies yet criticize its limited workplace support. Findings indicate the importance of framing and repertoire that connect quality work with quality care, yet indicate a complex labor process that requires more conceptual and strategic attention.

English/French abstracts of articles in the Fall 2018 issue.

The article reviews the book, "Firms as Political Entities -- Saving Democracy through Economic Bicameralism," by Isabelle Ferreras.

Dans notre monde globalisé, l’aire de jeux des acteurs n’est plus circonscrite à la structure, mais elle est, désormais, élargie au territoire. Cet effacement des frontières organisationnelles tend à favoriser le développement d’une logique partenariale, y compris en matière de gestion des ressources humaines (GRH) au regard des bouleversements de l’environnement socio-économique. C’est dans ce contexte actuel qu’une nouvelle forme émergente de GRH apparaît, se situant dans une démarche de RSE (responsabilité sociétale des entreprises) étendue qui ne se restreint plus uniquement à certains aspects sociaux. L’objectif de cet article est d’étudier une approche alternative de la GRH qui se veut plus sociétale. Nous nous attachons à répondre à la problématique suivante : comment instaurer une GRH sociétale en PME ? Utilisant l’approche contextualiste de Pichault et Nizet (2013), nous soulignons l’importance pour le dirigeant de mobiliser des acteurs tant internes qu’externes pour atteindre cet objectif. À partir du cas d’une PME française du secteur de l’économie solidaire, nous explorons, grâce à des récits de vie, des entretiens semi-directifs, des observations participantes et non participantes, ainsi que des analyses documentaires, le processus de construction de cette nouvelle forme de GRH. Nos résultats mettent en lumière trois étapes-clés : 1- l’émergence de cette GRH autour de la création d’un pacte social; 2- son évolution source d’adhésion et de frustration; et, enfin, 3-la diffusion de cette GRH alternative auprès des partenaires externes.

This article explores the experiences of construction-industry workers commuting to major project sites with a view to broadening understandings of the meaning and impact of the development of extractive industries in Newfoundland and Labrador since the 1990s. Theoretically, the article draws upon and develops the concept of “mobilities regimes,” a formulation that locates relations of power and inequality in the co-constitution of mobility and institutional structures. The empirical findings are based on research conducted between December 2014 and June 2016 as part of the On the Move Partnership, a research initiative examining employment-related geographical mobility (e-rgm) in a variety of sectors and provinces across Canada. The focus is on mobility associated with projects that fall under the provincial Special Project Order (spo) legislation. A total of 60 interviews to date have been conducted with workers as well as with key informants, including government officials, employers, and labour organizations. The central argument is that a mobilities regime is discernible not only in policies and project documents produced by governments, employers, and labour organizations, but also in the experiences of workers. These gendered experiences reveal that Newfoundland and Labrador’s spo projects enable people who may otherwise commute interprovincially to work close to home, but this work has contradictory meanings for the men and women involved due to the mobility it entails. By making visible the experiences of workers in the mobilities regimes of much-celebrated projects, the article encourages reflection on the effects on workers and their families of the underlying capitalist imperatives driving Newfoundland and Labrador’s contemporary economic transition.

The article reviews the book, "Syndicalisme et santé au travail," edited by Lucie Goussard et Guillaume Tiffon.

Employment and working conditions having an impact on health and safety are some of the most important concerns of workers. Amongst the various means by which trade unions contribute to prevention, the contribution of Worker Safety Representatives (WSR) is well-established and the most studied, including their participation in joint occupational health and safety committees (JOHSC). However, there are surprisingly few studies examining the place of OHS as an issue of workers’ collective action. Conducted with a large Quebec Central Labour Body, this study aims to understand why and how local-level unions concentrate upon these issues, the repertoire of means that they employ and the context that supports or hindus such actions. The conceptual framework is based on previous realistic evaluations of OHS preventive interventions and includes Levesque and Murray’s (2010) trade union power resources and strategic capabilities. In phase I, eleven semi-structured interviews were conducted with union staff members and elected representatives from different sectors, covering a wide array of activities such as unionization, training, negotiation, OHS prevention and compensation. Results also refer to five case studies (phase 2) of local-level trade unions identified by phase 1 respondents as particularly active in relation to prevention. The process by which working conditions having a negative impact on OHS are framed (or not) as trade union issues is examined. Levers and barriers are also identified. Factors affecting the presence of resources for trade union autonomous action aimed at prevention (like the integration of WSR to the union core structure, release time for prevention, etc.) are highlighted. A widely diverse repertoire of workplace-level trade union means of action for OHS is also highlighted by the interviews and case studies, not limited just to those provided by the Quebec OHS regime. It includes the recourse to labour relations mechanisms (e.g. negotiation and strike) and is based on an autonomous agenda, including mobilization. The potential of OHS issues for union revitalization is discussed, as well as the barriers that must be overcome.

This study examines the ethical management of workers with disability (WWD) employed at two social enterprises in Australia. Viewed largely through the spectrum of institutionally-based conflict in the employment relationship, this research draws on a framework of situated moral agency (Wilcox, 2012) to establish the ways in which WWD are afforded opportunities to engage in work and how managers and supervisors practise situated moral agency at the workplace. A qualitative case study approach is used with 62 participants through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Key findings demonstrate supervisors constantly have to reshape and reinterpret human resource management (HRM) policies and practices to exercise and extend moral agency. This phenomenon suggests contradictions between moral agency and ethical management practice within current HRM regimes. The key message of the paper is that HRM does not always support the ethical management of WWD. Consequently, we question the ethical nature of contemporary HRM policy and practice for WWD, and argue for further research to unpack ethical ways to more effectively support WWD in the workplace. For WWD to be included at work, achieve life skills and their goals, managers and supervisors need to engage with their moral agency. Finally, we draw implications for management and employment relations theory and practice.

This paper proposes a structurationist model that revises the notion of actors in industrial relations (Bellemare, 2000), reconsiders the frontiers of the industrial relations system (Bellemare and Briand 2006, Legault and Bellemare, 2008) and encompasses the developments of "life politics." This model is illustrated by the influence of users/patients on the work organization and governance bodies of a University Hospital in France, as well as on the health care system (public policies, research priorities, etc.).

La culpabilité est une émotion couramment éprouvée dans la vie quotidienne. L’objectif de cette recherche était de l’étudier dans le cadre du travail. Une recherche exploratoire a donc été menée afin, d’une part, d’identifier les situations générant de la culpabilité au travail ainsi que les effets de cette émotion et, d’autre part, de déterminer si la culpabilisation est une stratégie de management permettant d’obtenir davantage de travail de la part des salariés. Les personnes interviewées sont des salariés aux profils variés selon l’âge, le sexe, le poste occupé, le secteur d’activité, la taille de l’entreprise et le statut. Vingt-huit entretiens semi-directifs ont ainsi été menés. Les résultats identifient les caractéristiques de la culpabilité éprouvée au travail en révélant que cette dernière est familière, d’intensité et de fréquence variables, et évolutive. L’analyse des entretiens révèle aussi huit situations génératrices de culpabilité qui sont liées aux phénomènes suivants : une absence ou un retard, la perception d’un travail globalement mal fait, des demandes ou des promesses non suivies, des comportements ou attitudes non corrects, des caractéristiques personnelles (par exemple, un manque de compétence), un client ou un collègue qui souffrent et ne peuvent être aidés, un manque de temps ainsi que l’impact du travail sur la vie privée. Cette recherche montre que la culpabilité ressentie génère une gêne chez les personnes. Mais elle a, surtout, des effets positifs sur le travail réalisé par les salariés. La culpabilité a généralement un effet bénéfique sur les efforts au travail, sauf quand cette émotion est trop intense. La culpabilisation est un autre axe important de cette étude. Si elle est bien constatée par les répondants, il en ressort qu’elle est jugée inefficace lorsqu’elle émane des supérieurs. Elle est alors rejetée et mal vécue. Cet article ouvre des perspectives de recherche afin, d’une part, d’approfondir la place et le rôle de cette émotion et, d’autre part, de développer des implications managériales en termes de bien-être au travail et de performance au travail.

This paper critically examines official statistics on workplace fatalities in Canada. Each year the Association of Workers’ Compensation Boards of Canada reports on the number of workers who die from a work-related injury or illness/disease. The problem, however, is that these data report the number of deaths that were accepted for compensation; it is not a system for tracking all work-related deaths. Drawing from a range of data sources and employing a broad definition of what constitutes death at work we attempt to generate a more accurate estimate of the number of work-related fatalities in Canada. In so doing our goal is not to produce a definitive number of annual deaths at work – an impossibility given the paucity of data sources – but instead to challenge dominant ways of conceptualizing what constitutes a work-related fatality and thus contribute to ongoing efforts to raise academic, political, and public awareness about this important issue. In this sense our goal is to question whether official statistics regarding workplace fatalities are complete when set against a broader understanding of what constitutes death at work.

The articles reviews the book, "La désindustrialisation : une fatalité ?," edited by Jean-Claude Daumas, Ivan Kharaba and Philippe Mioche.

L’évolution de l’emploi au Québec et au Canada est marquée par la multiplication des statuts d’emploi, la précarisation et la résurgence du phénomène des travailleurs et travailleuses pauvres. Après un rapide rappel des transformations marquant un glissement vers des politiques néolibérales survenues à la fin des années 1970, nous examinons les récentes transformations de la politique sociale liée au travail à l’ère de l’austérité. Pour ce qui est du gouvernement fédéral, nous examinons le programme d’assurance-emploi ainsi que les programmes concernant les travailleurs migrants temporaires. Pour ce qui est du gouvernement du Québec, nous nous attardons surtout sur les politiques d’aide sociale, ainsi que sur les services de garde à l’enfance. Nous traitons ces programmes en tant que politiques d’emploi et mettons en relief le rôle joué par l’État dans l’approfondissement du virage néolibéral amorcé il y a maintenant près de quarante ans.

Cet article vise, en s’appuyant sur L’Enquête Conditions de travail (2013), à construire une typologie des professions relevant d’un statut « ouvrier » ou « employé » à partir du niveau et du type de qualité de l’emploi qu’elles induisent. Cette approche de la qualité d’emploi par les professions apparaît importante pour trois raisons complémentaires : d’abord, parce que la nature de la profession s’avère déterminante au-delà des caractéristiques des individus qui l’occupent pour expliquer les écarts en termes de qualité de l’emploi; ensuite, du fait de l’importance de la nature des professions dans la détermination des règles encadrant le travail; et, enfin, en raison du rôle joué par les politiques publiques dans le soutien de la qualité dans certaines professions.