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The article reviews the book, "We Are the Union: Democratic Unionism and Dissent at Boeing," by Dana Cloud and Keith Thomas.

Embedded with Organized Labor: Journalistic Reflections on the Class War at Home and The Civil Wars in US Labor: Birth of a New Workers' Movement or Death Throes of the Old?, both by Steve Early, are reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "Storied Landscapes: Ethno-Religious Identity and the Canadian Prairies," by Frances Swyripa.

The article reviews the book, "The Political Economy of Workplace Injury in Canada," by Bob Barnetson.

The article reviews the book "Sailor's Hope: The Life and Times of William Cooper, Agrarian Radical in an Age of Revolutions," by Rusty Bittermann.

Examines the Canadian and American legal approaches to assessing employee’s claims of unfair discipline over allegedly egregious comments on social media, and argues that the Canadian approach is more flexible and better suited to handle these claims in the social media context. Both countries apply traditional labour law frameworks to manage employee conduct online, despite the fact that Facebook, et al, represent a novel form of communication. However, the two systems are quite different. While American triers of fact examine whether an employee’s social media communications constitute protected concerted activity, Canadian triers of fact apply the doctrine of just cause dismissal. The American framework is problematic, as it cannot always distinguish between employees who use Facebook to advance their workplace interests from those who use it for other purposes. Consequently, American employers may be forced to tolerate an employee’s social media posts, regardless of how malicious they might be.

Examines labor relations between the state (federal and provincial governments) and public sector workers since the 1960s, including interventions into collective bargaining through wage control legislation, wage control policies, back-to-work legislation, and emergency no-strike legislation. Concludes that while Canadian governments have generally accepted the industrial relations system, they have not accepted the outcomes of bargaining. In addition, the authors conclude that there is little evidence to support the thesis of Wellington and Winters (1969) that public sector labor unions use their power to threaten democracy by settling agreements that are contrary to the mandate and best interests of the electorate.

The article reviews the book, "The Labor Question in America: Economic Democracy in the Gilded Age," by Rosanne Currarino.

In recent years, the attractiveness of temporary placement agencies for nurses has grown significantly. In a labour scarcity context, it is worth exploring the motivations that encourage nurses to choose temporary work and remain loyal to their agency. Building on the classification of Tan and Tan (2002), four sources of motivation were explored: individual or family incentives, economic incentives, professional motivations and personal preferences. Regarding family motivations, this study was mainly interested in the role of flexible working conditions offered by placement agencies. Concerning economic motivations, we examined the influence of pay conditions. Our investigation of professional motivations centered on agency nurses' opportunities for skills development. Finally, the role of personal preferences was explored via workload. The results of our study, conducted on two samples, one of 500 nurses working in nursing agencies in Quebec and the other of 99 nurses from two agencies, showed that family and professional development motivations had a positive influence on agency nurses' satisfaction. In contrast, their loyalty is more closely related to the need for flexible hours, training and skills development, job security and the possibility of choosing one's assignments. Good salary conditions are not sufficient. Nurses who choose temporary work are motivated by more than a quest for better economic conditions. They also want greater freedom of choice and self-determination, and more opportunities for professional development.

The way industrial conflict and worker resistance have been analyzed has undergone significant transformation over the past few decades. While researchers have observed the quantitative decline of traditional forms of employee resistance, others have highlighted the diversity and range of more informal employee behaviours. Following Peetz (2002), we show six distinct forms of worker resistance in response to three overlapping decollectivizing employer strategies. We locate the trajectory and significance of these employer strategies and subsequent forms of worker resistance in a neglected consideration of institutional and industrial context. The implications for the way worker resistance and misbehaviour is analyzed and theorized in an increasingly non-union world are discussed. The paper indicates the need to consider the importance of institutional factors in reassessing potential delineations between what are considered formal (and often collective) indicators of conflict, and those more informal instances of workplace misbehaviour.

Research on sex work has documented the harmful effects of criminalization on sex workers' safety. Despite this body of research, the effects of criminalization on the organization of labour within the sex industry and sex workers' suggestions for labour improvements have been largely ignored. In part, this is .due to the mostly hypothetical nature of sex work labour organizing, as many common work-related activities are illegal. When one cannot work from a fixed location, have a manager or employer, or communicate about the terms and conditions of services, focusing on labour improvements can become secondary to protecting oneself from criminal charges. However, the 2010 Ontario Superior Court ruling to decriminalize aspects of prostitution opens the door for a mole nuanced analysis of sex work as a form of labour and for the development of diverse labour organizing strategies. This article presents narratives from a qualitative study with ten current and former sex workers and two allies. It begins by highlighting interviewees' arguments in favour of a "sex is work" paradigm before presenting their suggestions for workplace improvements and ideas about effective labour organizing efforts.

In mid-February 1949, workers at the Jeffrey Mine in Asbestos, Québec, voted to strike against the American-owned Johns-Manville Company. This work stoppage precipitated a provincial industry-wide strike that lasted for almost five months. The 1949 Asbestos strike has been incorporated into Québec's broader political historiography, and is generally regarded as a critical turning point in the history of labour and social relations in French-speaking Canada. Yet the environmental health aspects of the conflict in Asbestos remain largely unexamined. Showing how environmental health issues were a trigger for the strike and a sustained goal of the Asbestos workers seeking improvements in their conditions of work, this article demonstrates how central dust and disease were in the negotiations and arbitration hearings involving unionized workers and the company, both in 1949 and in the years that followed. It also accents the extent to which these environmental issues became health concerns that spread throughout the community. In looking at the Asbestos strike of 1949 through the lens of environmental concerns, fresh insight is gained about the nature of one of Canada's major labour conflicts, expanding our understanding of how health issues emerging in the workplace but extending well past it can affect the nature of everyday life and well being in a resource community.

When Harvey Murphy, the pugnacious western regional director of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, learned that his friend and fellow leftist, American opera star Paul Robeson, was not going to be allowed to cross the Canada-United States border to sing at the Vancouver Mine-Mill convention on February 1, 1952, he didn’t mourn, he organized. First, he organized an impromptu concert where Robeson sang through long-distance phone lines to the delight of convention delegates. Then he promised a much bigger concert that May at the Peace Arch near the Canada-United States border at Blaine, Washington. If the American authorities wouldn’t let Robeson come to the convention, Murphy reasoned, they would take the convention to Robeson. Those authorities had quietly pulled Robeson’s passport in 1950. Had they needed to defend the suspension of the singer’s constitutional right to free passage, they might have said it was a matter of national security; they were protecting the nation from a threat of Communist infiltration. But they needed no such defence. After all, it was the McCarthy era and Communist sympathizers like Robeson were fair game.

Dans cet article, nous analysons l’activité de travail d’opérateurs en situation de handicap, en prenant en compte leur santé, leur sécurité, leurs compétences professionnelles et les activités de médiation des moniteurs d’atelier qui les encadrent, avec l’objectif de préciser des caractéristiques de ce que pourraient être des situations capacitantes pour ces opérateurs. Nous présentons deux études ergonomiques réalisées dans des ateliers de travail protégé en France, au sein d’un établissement et service d’aide par le travail (ESAT). La notion « d’environnement capacitant » nous sert de fil directeur pour aborder les conditions de travail des personnes en situation de handicap mais aussi les situations d’apprentissage qui leur sont proposées. Nous avons ainsi identifié des postes de travail et du matériel qui conduisent à des postures inadaptées et dangereuses ; des stratégies de travail qui permettent aux opérateurs de se préserver mais qui sont aussi limitées et insuffisantes, et des difficultés qui leur font courir des risques. Nous soulignons également des difficultés d’apprentissage en situation. Les moniteurs d’atelier ont un rôle central. Leurs activités de médiation sont un déterminant du développement possible des opérateurs handicapés : d’une part, parce que leur rôle pédagogique est important et, d’autre part, parce qu’ils prennent en charge une partie de la gestion des risques des opérateurs. Ils ont donc une véritable activité de prévention des risques d’atteinte à la santé de ces opérateurs. Toutefois, leurs propres conditions de travail, leur manque de connaissances sur les handicaps et leur faible accès à des formations limitent leurs apports à la fois sur le plan pédagogique et sur le plan de la prévention des risques. Concevoir des situations capacitantes pour des opérateurs en atelier protégé passe par l’amélioration des conditions de travail des opérateurs handicapés, mais aussi par l’amélioration des conditions de travail et d’accès à des formations des moniteurs.

The article reviews the book, "I'm Neither Here nor There: Mexicans' Quotidian Struggles With Migration and Poverty," by Patricia Zavella.

Institutionalized forgetting about the scope of the Trotskyist experience in the United States was on display in every venue following the deaths of Peter Rafael Bloch (1921-2008), an authority on Puerto Rican artistic culture, and George Perle (born George Perlman, 1915-2009), a Pulitzer Prize-winning music theorist and composer once married to the sculptress and painter Laura Slobe (1909-58). Nothing written even hinted that the two iconoclasts were in the past highly educated and committed Marxists, or that revolutionary ideas oxygenated their cultural thinking at crucial moments. Alarm over memory loss of this type is the motive for this present essay, which appraises the lives of Bloch, Perle, and Slobe along with other "Bohemians" who sought a vexed amalgam of unconstrained cultural creativity, personal freedom, and disciplined "Bolshevik" politics in the Socialist Workers Party (swp) during the late 1940s and 1950s. What can be recovered of the political and personal passions of many "outlaw" lives on the Left, of cultural revolutionaries and sexual non-conformists, especially from those who infused anti-capitalism with anti-Stalinism, are only fragmentary narratives to be steered warily into coherency. For the postwar decade, one must write a kind of ghostly history, the reconstruction of the presence of an absence in a time of persecution.

The article reviews the book, "Woody Guthrie, American Radical," by William Kaufman.