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Un employeur peut-il imposer à ses employés des périodes de garde obligatoires pendant lesquelles ils doivent être joignables en tout temps afin de pouvoir se rendre au travail rapidement et être en état d’accomplir leur prestation de travail ? Dans un arrêt rendu en 2017, la Cour suprême du Canada estime qu’une telle politique ne constitue pas un exercice raisonnable des droits de direction de l’employeur, mais qu’elle ne porte pas atteinte au droit à la liberté des employés protégé par la Charte canadienne. La démarche utilisée par la Cour pour apprécier ce qu’est l’exercice raisonnable d’un droit de direction représente la principale retombée de cet arrêt. Toutefois, l’analyse de l’obligation de disponibilité sous l’angle de l’atteinte aux droits fondamentaux des employés reste à faire.

The arduous struggle to form Local 480 of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (Mine-Mill) at Trail, British Columbia, began in 1938. By 1944 it had been certified as the legal bargaining agent for the 5,000 workers at the Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada (cm&s). But being certified did not spell the end of its problems. Even as World War II was winding down, local and continental anti-Communists attacked the Communist leaders who had founded the local. Among the most determined of the attackers was the United Steelworkers of America (uswa). As the Cold War began, Local 480 was girding for a two-year battle to protect itself from the raiding uswa. Sanctioned by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (cio) to subsume Mine-Mill across North America, the Steelworkers employed an aggressive anti-Communist strategy. In early 1950, when this account begins, Local 480 was in a fight for its life.

Historians of postwar Canada have relegated neighbourhood activism to specific periods of city-wide mobilization. In Montréal, for example, authors who participated in or studied urban social movements describe a rapid decline in activism following the first sovereignty referendum in 1980. This periodization of activism has privileged the experiences of a mostly middle-class left who circulated in activist networks spanning the city and has largely ignored the experiences of working-class people who could not afford to stop organizing in their neighbourhoods. During the 1980s, residents in the Montréal neighbourhood of Pointe-Saint-Charles launched projet St-Charles, a plan to build 500 units of co-operative housing to buttress the deindustrializing area against gentrification. Co-ops were a form of low-income housing that some felt could also serve as the organizational basis for a broader movement of poor and working-class people. Plans did not progress exactly as intended; internal race, gender, class, generational, and linguistic tensions within the neighbourhood complicated attempts by local organizers to build a representational movement, as did the social-spending cutbacks that characterized the neoliberal 1980s. Rather than abandon their principles, projet organizers continued to develop co-op housing, thereby sheltering a social fabric and radical critique in Pointe-Saint-Charles from the violent restructuring of the neoliberal city.

On Canada Day 2017, author Helene Vosters hosted a Stitch-by-Stitch Unsettling Canada 150 sewing circle and picnic. Despite intermittent thundershowers, with umbrellas and soggy red thread in hand, a group of twenty to thirty intrepid stitchers embroidered text from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s (TRC) 94 Calls to Action onto Canadian flags. By the time Canada 150 reached its Canada Day zenith, Vosters asserts, it had already become increasingly apparent that the story of a beneficent Canadian nation committed to equity and multicultural inclusivity that the celebrations sought to engender had been significantly eclipsed in mainstream and social media by critiques of the sesquicentennial’s ahistorical premise and its disregard for the ongoing violent effects of settler-colonialism. Against this backdrop, Vosters weaves reflections of the sewing circle as a labour of reinscription with an inquiry into the value (and pitfalls) of embracing what Stó:lō scholar Dylan Robinson and settler scholar Keavy Martin call everyday “aesthetic actions.”

The article reviews the book, "Refus global. Histoire d'une réception partielle," by Sophie Dubois.

In both academic and practitioner communities, there is an increased concern related to the time-consuming nature of the traditional labour arbitration system in Canada. The arbitration process was initially instituted to combat the delays and costs experienced in the courts. This study addresses the gap in the scientific literature by considering these ongoing concerns. Many Canadian jurisdictions offer the parties an opportunity to expedite the arbitration process pursuant to applicable legislation. However, despite the opportunity to accelerate the process, there appears to be a reluctance to use the expedited arbitration system. We performed content analysis on over 550 Canadian expedited and traditional labour arbitration cases. The case sample was limited to termination cases. We studied and compared delay at multiple times during the arbitration process, including the delay to the hearing, delay to the arbitration award, and total delay. Furthermore, we studied the case outcome; specifically, whether the grievance was granted or denied and adopted an ordered analysis to investigate differences in case outcomes. Our results support the perception that there is a difference in the expediency of expedited arbitration cases in comparison with traditional arbitration cases. The results also show that the outcomes of dismissal cases, decided in the expedited system, do not significantly differ from the traditional arbitration system. The findings suggest that there are statutorily available opportunities for the parties to accelerate the arbitration process without compromising the results.

Much literature focusing on the academy is concerned with the spread of neo-liberalism into the university sector. We argue that universities in Canada are operating in an era of “accountability governance,” with ideologies, discourses, and practices centred on quality, accountability, and efficiency. We explore the interplay between accountability governance as a regime of power and the work of faculty associations, especially as they strive to preserve faculty members’ professional autonomy and control over their academic work. Using in-depth qualitative interviews with executive members of several Ontario university faculty associations, we explore themes of neo-liberalization and corporatization of the university, shrinking faculty budgets, program reviews, and strategic mandates. While opportunities for action and resistance for faculty unions arise, particularly at the level of senate, more militancy and radicalism are not favoured by many members, as political action is often seen as “unprofessional.”

The article reviews the book, "The Struggle for Development," by Benjamin Selwyn.

This article reviews the book, "Knights Across the Atlantic: The Knights of Labor in Britain and Ireland" by Steven Parfitt.

The article reviews the book, "A Century of Transnationalism: Immigrants and their Homeland Connections," edited by Nancy L. Green and Roger Waldinger.

L’article porte sur les pratiques mises en oeuvre pour prévenir les risques psychosociaux (RPS) dans les entreprises. Selon les connaissances scientifiques actuelles, réduire ces risques requiert une approche intégrée qui vise à développer les ressources collectives et individuelles des travailleurs, ainsi qu’à réduire leurs contraintes professionnelles. Toutefois très peu de publications ont porté sur la façon dont les employeurs appréhendent effectivement ces questions. L’objectif de cette étude est de mieux comprendre les pratiques de prévention déclarées par des dirigeants d’entreprises, en relation avec la manière dont ils perçoivent l’exposition de leur personnel aux RPS. Nous avons élaboré un cadre d’analyse exploratoire des relations entre la prévention des RPS, la perception des facteurs de risques par les employeurs et diverses caractéristiques des entreprises. Ce cadre a servi de base à une enquête auprès de 404 établissements. À partir d’analyses factorielles et de régressions multiples, l’étude a fait émerger deux modes de prévention : 1- des mesures de gestion spécifique des RPS axées sur les procédures et la formation et liées principalement au risque d’atteinte à l’intégrité personnelle (harcèlement, agressions, discrimination, confrontation à des événements traumatisants) ; et 2- des mesures d’amélioration générale des conditions de travail (organisation, horaires, équipements et environnement de travail) qui peuvent contribuer à renforcer les ressources, mais que les employeurs ne perçoivent guère comme de la prévention des RPS. Les pratiques sont liées à des variables structurelles, ainsi qu’aux modes de participation et de gestion des risques professionnels dans leur ensemble, davantage qu’à la perception de l’employeur concernant l’exposition aux RPS. Les résultats soulignent deux défis pour les autorités. Le premier consiste à faire adopter par les entreprises une approche plus globale, non centrée sur les phénomènes de harcèlement. Le second réside dans le renforcement de mesures de prévention ayant un impact favorable sur l’activité réelle de travail.

In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was.

The article reviews the book, "Cuban Revolution in America: Havana and the Making of a United States Left, 1968-1992," by Teishan A. Latner.

Comment analyser la montée de ces nouveaux mouvements de travailleurs que représentent les mobilisations des travailleurs informels et précaires, oů les femmes tiennent une place importante, y compris en termes de leadership ? Les approches traditionnelles en sociologie et en relations industrielles évoquent une montée des identités sociales par rapport aux identités professionnelles, comme s'il s'agissait de la montée d'intérets spécifiques. Â partir d'une redéfinition ontologique du travail qu'ouvre l'approche féministe matérialiste, cet article propose une autre lecture des objets de conflictualité amenés par les mobilisations de travailleuses et de travailleurs informels. Il s'appuie, pour ce faire, sur une étude de cas effectuée dans l'économie solidaire brésilienne et sur le concept d'identité collective de Melucci. Il explore la façon dont ces nouveaux mouvements de travailleurs définissent les processus d'exploitations et de dominations a combattre et la façon dont ils mettent en pratique leurs visions du changement social. Ľarticle met ainsi en lumiére la portée émancipatrice des transformations de leur rapport au travail et souligne, a l'opposé, les réductionnismes qui animent les stratégies syndicales, en particulier quand elles prétendent défendre les droits des travailleurs en développant des coopératives compétitives. Cette approche, qui reconnaît le caractére situé des connaissances, permet de mieux saisir la portée des mobilisations dans l'économie solidaire et le pourquoi des tensions entre syndicats et travailleurs précaires et informels lors des luttes menées par ces derniers.

Since the mid‐1990s, governments have adopted gender mainstreaming (GM) as a strategy for achieving gender equality and improving women's social, economic and political conditions. Yet, studies indicate that GM continues to be unevenly implemented, both within and across countries. To explain this outcome, this paper focuses on the local implementers of GM — the gender focal points — and how they understand GM and interpret it in their everyday work. Drawing upon interviews with gender focal points in the Canadian public service, we explore how bureaucratic role perceptions shape how these local actors understand GM and how they navigate the complex terrain between bureaucratic neutrality and the equality agenda of gender mainstreaming. Our exploratory study shows no common understanding among our interviewees, revealing how the meaning of gender mainstreaming varies depending on whether the public servant views himself or herself as policy analyst, policy advisor or policy advocate. Based on these insights, we conclude with suggestions for future research on gender mainstreaming.

In the decades after World War II, immigrants generally managed to fit into the Canadian labour market without too many obstacles. Even when they were poorly educated, they found adequate jobs in the secondary sector, particularly in manufacturing. Moreover, if they were initially paid less than the natives, they tended to catch up after about fifteen years. In the early 1970s, however, when the thirty-year postwar boom gave way to a period of restructuring the productive system, the ensuing strong expansion of the tertiary sector resulted in fewer suitable employment opportunities for immigrants. The Canadian and Quebec governments responded by putting in place a policy that sought to select their immigrants on the basis of human capital characteristics. This policy continues to this day, especially because the world of work is currently engaged in a new phase of transformation linked to the development of the knowledge economy.

We examine whether a sex-based salary gap identified at the University of Manitoba in 1993 and 2003 persists in 2013. We apply decomposition techniques to analyze the factors contributing to the salary gap in each year and to its changes across the two decades. We find that a smaller but substantial 12 percent gap persists in 2013. In contrast to previous years, the 2013 gap is completely explained by sex differences in faculty, experience, and, more important, type of appointment and rank. The distribution of values of these control variables changed considerably between the earlier years and 2013 in ways that influenced the gap.

Work stress is costly and decreases productivity. Quebecers are much more likely to report high work stress than other Canadians. Using data from the Canadian Community Health Survey spanning 2003–2012, we study the determinants of reported work stress. Chronic disease, mental health, and lifestyle choices all contribute to work stress. Despite including a large variety of influences, living in Quebec is persistently associated with higher work stress. We discuss contextual and cultural factors. No one explanation stands out, but Quebecers are absent from work more often than others, suggesting that the costs of this phenomenon are real.

This article aims to explain whether and to what extent formal and informal labor education and training initiatives help increase union participation among young members. Between 2009 and 2014, twenty-two interviews were conducted with ten national union leaders and twelve young leaders in two trade union organizations operating in the public and private sectors in Quebec. To complement these data, fifty-three focus group discussions were held, involving more than four hundred thirty young members (under the age of thirty). Our results reveal the presence of three areas of tension associated with the internal functioning of these unions. They also point out some factors that may boost the participation of young workers, internally.

Canada is in a liminal space, with renewed struggles for and commitments to indigenous land and food sovereignty on one hand, and growing capital interest in land governance and agriculture on the other. While neoliberal capital increasingly accumulates land-based control, settler-farming communities still manage much of Canada’s arable land. This research draws on studies of settler colonialism, racial hierarchy and othering to connect the ideological with the material forces of settler colonialism and show how material dominance is maintained through colonial logics and racially ordered narratives. Through in-depth interviews, I investigate how white settler farmers perceive and construct two distinctly ‘othered’ groups: Indigenous peoples and migrant farmers and farm workers. Further, I show the disparate role of land and labour in constructing each group, and specifically, the cultural and material benefits of these constructions for land-based settler populations. At the same time, settler colonial structures and logics remain reciprocally coupled to political conditions. For instance, contemporary neoliberalism in Canadian agriculture modifies settler colonial structures to be sure. I argue, however, that political economic analyses of land and food production in Canada (such as corporate concentration, land grabbing and farm consolidation) ought to better integrate the systemic forces of settler colonialism that have conditioned land access in the first place. Of course, determining who is able to access land—and thus, who is able to grow food—continues to be a territorial struggle. Thus, in order to shift these conditions we ought to examine how those with access and control have acquired and maintained it.