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This thesis examines two intimately related topics. First, it analyzes the practices of temporary employment agencies and employers in using the vulnerabilities of migrant and immigrant workers across different precarious labour sectors in Montreal. Second, it aims to understand the knowledge production, learning and non-formal education linked to action that occur in the course of organizing im/migrant agency workers by the Immigrant Workers Centre (IWC) and the Temporary Agency Workers Association (TAWA). The discussion of agencies is located in a broader context of the global and Canadian neoliberal model which includes attending to racism and racialization, flexible labour and labour deregulation, labour precarity, the defensive position of trade unions, austerity and immigration policies. The study uses longitudinal research and interviews with 42 im/migrant agency workers in precarious jobs, as well as interviews with IWC and TAWA activists and members. It employs an ethnographic and activist approach informed by Global Ethnography and the Extended Case Method. The analysis entailed the description of local experiences of im/migrant agency workers and the ways that agencies manage their vulnerabilities to optimize labour exploitation. It relates IWC and TAWA organizing processes to the growing activity and importance of workers' centres as alternative organizations to traditional trade unionism. The study found that systematic violations of im/migrants' labour rights through agencies also impact their private lives. It argues that the Canadian and Quebec states are complicit in structuring this super-exploitation through their immigration policies and their disengagement from the conditions of im/migrants in the labour market. In response, the IWC and the TAWA have developed an organizing model for agency workers based on five pillars: community organizing, knowledge production, popular education, and leadership development. This includes provision of services infused with education for collective action, arts-based activism, and diverse ways of spreading information and knowledge. Participation in bigger campaigns and partnership with engaged academics has also resulted in important strategies leading to the IWC and the TAWA organizing workers and making visible the problems associated with agencies.

Most extant studies on the relationship between workforce diversity and employment inequalities focus on the impact of a single disadvantaged identity on a single employment outcome such as pay or promotion at the organizational level. Thus, the relation between workers’ multiple identities and different dimensions of employment inequalities within the broader social context remains unclear. The goal of this thesis is to start filling this gap. I start with developing a multilevel model of employment inequalities for workers with multiple identities by integrating the social identity theory, double jeopardy hypothesis, intergroup contact theory, and theory of minority group threat. I test this model with two empirical studies using Statistics Canada’s nationally representative Canadian Survey on Disability (2012) linked with the National Household Survey (2011). Labour force participation, employment, and employment income are the dependent variables of this thesis. I examine the intersection of immigrant and disability identity dimensions by focusing on immigrants with disabilities (IwD) as compared to immigrants with no disabilities, Canadian-born with disabilities, and Canadian-born with no disabilities. Study 1 demonstrates that while immigrant and disability identities are independently negatively associated with employment and employment income, having both identities simultaneously has a positive effect on employment and employment income. Furthermore, with the increase of the residential area diversity (RAD), which is determined by the number of immigrants and people with disabilities in a community, IwD’s likelihood of employment increases but employment income decreases. Study 2 shows that the proportion of immigrants in a residential area (RA) is negatively associated with the likelihood of being in the labour force for IwD. Furthermore, perceived work discrimination is negatively associated with labour force participation for IwD. Moreover, perceived work discrimination mediates the relationship between the proportion of immigrants in an RA and labour force participation for IwD. This thesis contributes to theory by (i) developing a multi-level theoretical framework that demonstrate the complex relationship between individuals with multiple identities, organizations, and society, (ii) extending the intergroup contact theory and the theory of minority threat using empirical evidence from individuals with multiple identities rather than focusing on a single identity, (iii) examining multiple employment outcomes at once and demonstrating how employment outcomes might differ based on intersecting identities, and (iv) demonstrating the impact of societal context by incorporating RAD into analysis and showing how the employment outcomes of individuals with multiple identities differ by where they reside. I discuss practical implications of the findings for workers, employers, policymakers, and society.

This dissertation explores the place of Torontos Provincial Lunatic Asylum within the broader social, cultural, and political landscape of nineteenth-century Ontario (Upper Canada). The development of the asylum in Upper Canada was one part of a broader institutional reform movement intended to codify, segregate, and rehabilitate the provinces criminals, lunatics, and other social deviants. I argue that the lunatic asylum was fundamentally shaped by its place within this broader institutional suite. At once a medical, political, and social space, the asylum was mobilized by various individuals and associations to serve a variety of interests. The Provincial Lunatic Asylum was a liminal institution. Its value as a resource for the growing Upper Canadian medical profession, its place within entrenched systems of partisan patronage, and its status as a charitable public institution ensured that the fate of the lunatic asylum was tied to the life of the province. By situating the asylum within its broader social, political, and cultural contexts, this study enhances our understanding of the role of public institutions like the asylum in the early formation of the Canadian state. Moreover, this study sheds light on the intricate connections between lunacy care and the everyday life of Upper Canadians from many social and cultural backgrounds. It is a study not only of the role of the asylum in the development of a nation, but also the fundamental role of the local and transnational contexts of mid-nineteenth-century Upper Canada on the development of a peculiarly Canadian asylum. This is the story of both an institution and the world outside its walls, spanning a range of topics including the professionalization of medicine, the birth of a political culture, the institutional development of Upper Canada and Toronto, working- and middle-class labour, and the experiences of ordinary Upper Canadians living with lunacy.

Teaching staff in Ontario schools do not reflect the increasing diversity of the students who occupy Ontario classrooms today. School boards across Ontario have come under considerable scrutiny regarding the lack of diverse teacher representation that adequately reflects Ontario’s demographic composition (Childs et al., 2010; Ryan, et al., 2009; Turner, 2015). This thesis addresses the Ontario teacher diversity gap (James Turner, 2017; Turner 2015; Turner, 2014; Ryan, et al., 2009) in relation to provincial equity and inclusive educational policies, which have been created to address the dominance of white teachers in publicly-funded education in Ontario. However, findings from the research indicate that these policies have not had the desired results, and in some ways have contributed to perpetuating the status quo, and the ongoing overrepresentation of white teachers in schools. The thesis furthermore addressed the notion of bias-free hiring (Fine Handlesman, 2012; Hassouneh, 2013) practices through narratives of Ontario teachers themselves. The predominant assumption of bias-free hiring is that one can divorce themselves from their unconscious biases and preconceptions of groups who are dissimilar to them in order to recruit the so-called “most qualified applicant”. The narrative of the “most qualified applicant” is a term invoked when racialized people seek access to employment opportunities. School administrators have great influence on who is hired; therefore it is important for administrators to interrogate their own social locations and positions of power, and unconscious bias in terms of how they recruit teachers. Findings from the research indicate that teachers from racialized groups have different experiences when seeking employment as teachers in publicly-funded school boards in Ontario. In response to this the EHT Equity Hiring Toolkit for Ontario School Administrators has been developed to support school administrators to recruit more diverse teachers. The EHT provides a framework for school administrators to engage in antiracist praxis and action, by examining their social location, and ways that their positionality impacts the hiring decisions they make. School administrators can use the creation of the Toolkit based on the findings of the data that emerged from the research as a Creative Professional Activity (CPA). I consider this to be my contribution to the field of social justice education and leadership.

Les grèves générales de la robe déclenchées en août 1934 et en avril 1937 marquent un épisode de solidarité entre ouvrier.ères juif.ves et travailleuses canadiennes-françaises jusqu'alors sans précédent. Si quelques grèves avaient déjà réuni piqueteuses juives et canadiennes-françaises dans les années 1920, aucun de ces conflits de travail n'avait connu cette ampleur. Souvent isolées à une seule fabrique de vêtements, ces grèves étaient de taille plus modeste, tant par la durée du conflit que par le nombre de grévistes qu'elles comprenaient. La grève de 1934 organisée par l'IUNTW rassembla dès son déclenchement 4 000 piqueteur.ses, interrompit l'activité de 90 établissements, et totalisa en tout 45 000 journées de travail perdues. La grève de 1937 qui s'inscrivit dans la continuité de l'organisation des ouvrières de la robe entamée par la grève de 1934, rassembla plus de 5 000 grévistes et couta 55 000 journées de travail perdues à l'industrie montréalaise de la robe. Le présent mémoire explore les grèves générales des ouvrier.ères de la robe qui s'enclenchèrent au cours de la décennie 1930 à Montréal. Opposant un prolétariat canadien-français et juif à des manufacturiers pour la majorité eux-aussi juifs, ces grèves s'inscrivent dans le phénomène plus vaste d'un mouvement ouvrier juif canadien. L'expérience de ces conflits de travail est parcourue par de multiples tensions. Le prolétariat de l'aiguille est traversé par de multiples contradictions où s'entrelacent plusieurs axes de hiérarchisation qui fragmentent la force de travail. Conséquemment, ce mémoire se penche plus précisément sur les rapports de pouvoir et les axes hiérarchiques qui structurent à la fois la production, mais aussi la lutte syndicale, plus précisément autour des rapports de genres, de classes et d'ethnicité sur le plancher de l'usine et à l'intérieur des organisations syndicales. Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre comment l'articulation des relations de genres, d'ethnicité et de classes module l'expérience de la lutte ouvrière dans le cas précis du mouvement ouvrier juif montréalais dans le secteur de la robe, au cours de la décennie 1930 et comment dans un prolétariat fragmenté sur une multiplicité d'axes hiérarchiques ont pu se construire des alliances et des moments forts de solidarité au sein de grèves et de luttes ouvrières.

This study examines the emergence of the New Left organization, The New Tendency, in Windsor, Ontario during the 1970s. The New Tendency, which developed in a number of Ontario cities, represents one articulation of the Canadian New Left's turn towards working-class organizing in the early 1970s after the student movement's dissolution in the late 1960s. Influenced by dissident Marxist theorists associated with the Johnson-Forest Tendency and Italian workerism, The New Tendency sought to create alternative forms of working-class organizing that existed outside of, and often in direct opposition to, both the mainstream labour movement and Old Left organizations such as the Communist Party and the New Democratic Party. After examining the roots of the organization and the important legacies of class struggle in Windsor, the thesis explores how The New Tendency contributed to working-class self activity on the shop-floor of Windsor's auto factories and in the community more broadly. However, this New Left mobilization was also hampered by inner-group sectarianism and a rapidly changing economic context. Ultimately, the challenges that coincided with The New Tendency's emergence in the 1970s led to its dissolution. While short-lived, the history of the Windsor branch of The New Tendency helps provide valuable insight into the trajectory of the Canadian New Left and working-class struggle in the 1970s, highlighting experiences that have too often been overlooked in previous scholarship. Furthermore, this study illustrates the transnational development of New Left ideas and organizations by examining The New Tendency's close connections to comparable groups active in manufacturing cities in Europe and the United States; such international relationships and exchanges were vital to the evolution of autonomist Marxism around the world. Finally, the Windsor New Tendency's history is an important case study of the New Left's attempts to reckon with a transitional moment for global capitalism, as the group's experiences coincided with the Fordist accord's death throes and the beginning of neoliberalism's ascendancy.

The works of Karl Marx have been central to the formation of a body of critical communication scholarship in Canada. But as Nicole S. Cohen adeptly shows, the influence of Marx’s thought has been absent, mostly, as it relates to questions involving cultural labourers. Of particular interest to her is Marx’s formulation concerning exploitation and its relationship to the field of journalism as it affects freelance writers. This dissertation extends the notion of a “missing Marx” by incorporating other concepts from his oeuvre. His writings on alienation help to address one of two major research questions posed in this dissertation. The first being: why is it that freelance writers in Canada are willing to work for such low levels of remuneration? Historically, a dichotomous rendering has prevailed as to whether exploitation or alienation provides a better explanatory framework for understanding the experiences of workers—in this case, freelance writers. One of the aims of this work is to bring alienation and exploitation into conversation with one another. This requires an analytical investigation of the journalistic labour process. Ideas of craft have helped shape identity and understandings of work in the journalistic field over a few centuries now. This understanding segues into the second research question: at this juncture of deepening capitalist crises, and subsequent renewed interest in craft modes of production, what relevance do these forces have in the lives of contemporary freelance writers? This dissertation addresses both of the above research questions as well as the aforementioned phenomenon through interviews of Canadian freelance writers in the spirit of Marx’s workers’ inquiry. These 25 interviews in combination with documentary analysis of the historically changing conditions of journalism explore the pertinence of the field’s craft sensibility upon its freelance workforce under circumstances of intensifying alienation. Statements from informants reveal the craft dimensions of the labour process as both a source of domination and of resistance as well as playing a possible future role in the enactment of broader class struggles.

While precarious work is a phenomenon often associated with non-professional workers, the emerging case of non-tenure-track faculty (NTTF) calls for a new framework building on scholarship on both precarious work and the professions. An in-depth case study of NTTF in southern Ontario shows how a new phenomenon of ‘precarious professionals’ is emerging. Drawing on sixty semi-structured interviews with faculty members, university administrators and union representatives across southern Ontario, I analyze workers’ experiences in temporary contract work in the academic profession, and their views on the way certain types of professional work are valued. Building off previous literature on precarious work, gender and work, and professional work, this thesis defines precarious professionals as highly skilled workers who do professional work that is valued and devalued along lines of gender. Their experiences in temporary contract work marginalize them economically and professionally in complex and compounding ways that trap them between identifying as precarious workers and as professionals. Union organizers and activists draw on a two-pronged approach that addresses both dimensions of precarious worker and professional identities. This thesis shows variation in workers’ experiences, suggesting that not all temporary contract workers become precarious professionals, and shows how that variation can be explained.

The late 19th and early 20th centuries evidenced extreme changes in industry and urbanization which fueled the movement of people worldwide. Included in this movement was an African Diaspora migration up and out of the Caribbean Basin and into the United States and elsewhere, as people sought to escape economic hardships within the region. Some took the opportunity to make their way to Sydney, Nova Scotia, where they labored for the Dominion Iron and Steel Company. The story of their migration to Cape Breton is of interest because they have remained a footnote in Canadian migration history. This thesis offers an opportunity to look at the lived experiences of these African Caribbean migrants and the community they created in Whitney Pier. This community served to spread notions of racial uplift and Black nationalism, evidenced by its involvement in the then growing Garvey movement.

This transnational history of the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada (JLC) retraces the organisations narratives, networks, and practices of diaspora solidarity, from the moment of its establishment and into the post-war period. The JLCs activists refracted their solidarities through the lens of a diasporic Jewish identity. At a time when Canada imposed strong barriers against refugees, the JLC worked to send aid to the anti-fascist resistance in Europe while participating in a series of immigration schemes to bring Jews from displaced persons camps over to Canada. It was in this unique moment that the JLC could also launch pioneering human rights and anti-racism campaigns within the labour movement. Representing one section of the organised Jewish community in Canada, the JLC proved a critical part of the transformation of the countrys treatment of refugees and minorities in the following decades.

In the neoliberal academy, professors who disclose any form of impairment risk raising concerns about their fitness to perform their jobs. Academics are expected to deliver highly measurable outcomes from their work in order to build a positive reputation among their peers. But given the negativity that typically characterizes the disability discourse in Western cultures, it is all too easy for the scholarly community to infer that differentness equates to ineptness. Thus, individualist and ableist discourses are central to the discussion of power relations and care of the self in the contemporary academy. The focus of this doctoral thesis is “diversable” professors performing under neoliberal academic regimes. The term “diversability” is used to designate people with disabilities—particularly of an invisible nature—while debunking the fallacious connotation of incompetence habitually attached to their differentness. Combining self-narrative and postmodern-grounded theory, this study derives valuable insights from the stories of 16 professors, both tenured and untenured, who reveal how they navigate disability, as well as the intersecting dimensions of differentness attached to their self-identities. The findings suggest that diversable professors, in spite of an academic environment embedded in disability avoidance—and the usual structural contingencies that can prevent scholars from fully demonstrating their value—can present counter-narratives that include positive constructions of self-identity as good teachers, researchers and advocates for social justice. This research also uncovers inadequacies in the academy itself—but not without a message of hope for remedial change.

This dissertation sits at the intersection of critical international political economy and a decolonizing, anti-racist approach to empirical political science. Specifically, I examine how liberal state forms are presupposed by and premised upon illiberal practices of sorting, policing, and defining populations. Rather than view such practices as anomalous to the modern state form, I view them as productive. I depart from the dominant literature in this field of study (postcolonial theory) with a typical focus on discursive and local practices, and instead advance a defense of Marxism rooted in an examination of the material practices of states responding to global political-economic pressures. This analytical and methodological focus stems from an engagement with the theoretical and empirical work conducted through Political Marxism, and through an engagement with the concept of uneven and combined development. I compare instances of racialized nation-building from the nineteenth century, focusing on the ways in which the creation of racialized hierarchies of belonging were seminal to the production of liberal state capacity and legitimacy. I examine the cases of Canada and Argentina to explore how the dispossession and management of indigenous peoples served to foment vast networks of bureaucratic, fiduciary, and coercive state capacities. Such capacities were necessary in the project of constructing competitive liberal economies to respond to pressures generated by an emergent global market in agricultural goods. This work sheds new light on the role of race and racialization in the formation of the nation-state system, while responding to and contesting common assumptions about the legal equality assumed to underpin Western nationalism(s).

This institutional ethnographic study explores the coordinated processes that organize Black female child protection workers’ (re)construction of their role as carers in the Ontario child protection system. This examination occurs within the backdrop of colonialism and shifting and unequal power relations in Canada. Absent from social work research is an understanding of the complex sequences of actions in every day child protection activities that authorize colonial ideologies and practices and the impact of Black female child protection workers’ negotiation of this context on their well-being. This study’s informant sample includes 9 Black female child protection workers currently employed at a child protection institution in Ontario. Data was collected from semi-structured interviews and textual analysis. The findings revealed colonialism in the child protection system is maintained through institutional patterns of exclusion and acts of dissimulation in the institutional discourse and practice. In response, Black female child protection workers resist colonial practices through their injection of acts of caring into their work. At the same time, their constant experiences of structural violence lead to institutional trauma. This research highlights a contradiction within the social work framework; the overt espousal of human rights and social justice as ethical priorities, while covertly maintaining colonialism in the child protection system, specifically towards Black female child protection workers and their communities. The findings advance social work knowledge by offering a way to identify the existence and the impact of the colonial context on Black female child protection workers as well as map out the sequences of actions or inactions that embed colonial ideologies and practices in the child protection system.

Thousands of Russian anarchist immigrants, organized by the Union of Russian Workers (URW), took part in a surging union movement and strike wave that broke out across North America in the 1910s. However, they have received scant attention from historians, and no account of the URW exists. My dissertation fills in this gap by detailing the activity of the URW against the background of the rising labor movement, and it considers the question of anarchism's relationship to the working class. Historians have traditionally situated anarchism outside of the labor movement, yet the Russian anarchists in North America joined both radical and mainstream unions, and URW leaders recruited migrants explicitly by appealing to their class interests as foreign workers exploited by American capitalism. The study highlights the anarchists’ involvement in labor organizing, and it centers their perspectives to help narrate a history of the period. It first traces a history of the international anarchist movement along with migration patterns to North America in order to contextualize the research and shed light on the origins of the URW and why their story matters. Utilizing anarchist publications, local English-language newspapers, government surveillance files, and archival materials, the study finds that URW members made a wide array of contributions to the emerging industrial union movement in the United States and developed a critique of American capitalism that ranged beyond the immediate strikes. It argues that alongside the Industrial Workers of the World, the URW helped to push labor to the left and prepare the ground for the rise of major industrial unions with socialist leanings in the 1930s. Simultaneously, the study shows how the URW harnessed its strength in North America to make substantial material contributions to the anarchist movement in Russia, in the lead up to the 1917 revolution, while developing an anti-Bolshevik critique also echoed by subsequent movements on the left. By locating Russian anarchism and the URW in the labor movement, this study challenges historiographical claims which deny anarchism's working-class character. Thus, it contributes to a growing body of newer research which finds the anarchist movement rooted in labor and working-class organizing.

The tooling of theatrical spectacle requires collaboration between stagecraft technicians and designers in an increasingly globalized and standardized manufacturing process. While hand skills are still used and remain useful, digital fabrication and other tools are now incorporated in labour processes in scenery manufacturing workshops, altering collaborative work in complex ways. This thesis is an inquiry into the epistemological role of software and digital fabrication tools in stagecraft practices and explores how the politics of craft labour intersect with material practices in media production labour. The technical aspects of the fabrication of theatrical spectacles and display environments, the way objects are used to think, and the ways tools mediate practices suggest how tacit knowledge is produced and reproduced in scenery manufacturing workshops that build theatrical sets and corporate display environments. The articles in this thesis draw from case study research of a community of craft technicians who work in the industry of theatrical display in southern Ontario, Canada. Each of the four articles focuses on different facets of this case study. The technician’s work in labour processes in scenery workshops is compared to repair and bricolage. Autonomy or self-determination over tasks in the workshop sites is explored in its material and embodied sense. The collaboration between the designer and scenic artist is mediated with digital media and this complicates established occupational roles. A case of collective organizing exemplifies the individualistic/collective dichotomy of craft labour. Using an inductive approach, the empirical research for this community case study was accomplished with participant observation and semistructured interviewing. My analysis of interview transcripts and interpretation of field data utilizes an autoethnographic methodology to reflect on and draw from my past work experience in theatre production labour as a builder and scenic artist. In this integrated article thesis, I consider how material practices constitute culture in media production labour.

Embracing a spatial and historical lens and the insights of critical legal theory, this dissertation maps the patterns of protest and the law in modern British Columbia―the social relations of adjudication—the changing ways in which conflict between private property rights and customary rights invoked by social movement actors has been contested and adjudicated in public spaces and legal arenas. From labour strikes in the Vancouver Island coal mines a century ago, to more recent protests by First Nations, environmentalists, pro- and anti-abortion activists, and urban “poor peoples’” movements, social movement actors have asserted customary rights to property through the control or appropriation of space. Owners and managers of property have responded by enlisting an array of legal remedies and an army of legal actors—lawyers, judges, police, parliaments, and soldiers—to restore control over space and assert private property rights. For most of the past century, conventional private property claims trumped the customary claims of social movements in the legal arena, provoking crises of legal legitimacy where social movement actors questioned the impartiality of judges and the fairness of adjudicative procedures. Remedies and legal technologies asserted by company lawyers, awarded by judges, and enforced by police and soldiers were often severe―from Criminal Code proscriptions against riotous assembly and deployment of military force, to the equitable remedy of the injunction and lengthy prison sentences following criminal contempt proceedings. But this pattern shows signs of change in recent years, driven by three major trends in British Columbia and Canadian law: (1) the effective assertion of indigenous customary rights; (2) growing recognition of the importance of human rights in democratic societies, particularly in the context of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; and (3) changes in the composition of the legal profession and judiciary. This changing legal landscape has created a new and evolving legal space, where property claims are increasingly treated as contingent rather than absolute and where the rights of one party are increasingly balanced by customary rights, interests, and aspirations of others. Consequently, we are seeing a trend toward the dilution of legal remedies traditionally available to the powerful, creating space for the assertion of non-conventional property claims and the emergence of new patterns of power relations.

Some studies have shown strong support for positive outcomes related to flexible work arrangements such as improved performance and productivity (Bloom, Liang, Roberts, Ying, 2015; Laschinger, Finegan, Shamian, Wilk, 2001; Laschinger, Leiter, Day, Gilin, 2009), while others have found detrimental effects including negative impacts on managing and separating work, life, and family demands (Cohen Single, 2001; Yuile, Chang, Gudmundsson, Sawang 2012). The typical approach to studying flexible work arrangements is to examine outcomes at the individual level among employees, assessing the relationship with performance and work-life, or work-family balance. This study examined the relationship between flexible work arrangements and job attitudes and work-life balance, simultaneously at both the individual and organizational unit level of analysis in the Federal public sector in Canada. The data is from responses captured five times over the span of 12 years within the public-sector workforce. The findings provide further contributions to the body of research on the job demands-resources model (Bakker Demrouti, 2007) and support the idea that some types of flexible work arrangements are positively related to work-life balance and job satisfaction, while also being positively mediated by structural empowerment of employees. These findings hold both at the individual and organizational level. Certain flexible work arrangements, namely flextime and telework, show consistent and positive relationships with work-life balance at both the individual and organizational unit level. Compressed work weeks, and income averaging, however, show signs of negative relationships and require further study. A critical finding of this study is that empowerment consistently fosters improved work-life balance and job satisfaction, providing strong evidence for practitioners to prioritize employee structural empowerment as part of strategic human resource plans.

This thesis aims to increase understanding of the association of underemployment (unemployment or overqualification) to mental health inequities between immigrant and Canadian-born labour force participants. The first paper provides a theoretical framework to guide design, analyses and interpretation of findings for this thesis, and future research on social determinants of mental health inequities. The second paper uses the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS) Cycle 1.2 to assess the construct validity of self-rated mental health (SRMH) for the overall population, and sub-groups by immigrant status and sex. Positive associations between SRMH and a comprehensive array of mental morbidity measures were large and consistent, but a sizeable percentage of respondents with mental morbidity did not rate their mental health as fair/poor. SRMH is useful for assessing social determinants of inequities in general mental health, but not specific mental health morbidities. The third paper uses CCHS Cycle 2.1 (2003) to examine the association of underemployment to fair/poor self-rated mental health (SRMH) in: 1. labour force participants (18-64 yrs) in Canada, and 2. between a. immigrants vs. Canadian-born labour force participants, and b. recent immigrant (< 10 years in Canada) vs. long-term immigrant (³ 10 years in Canada) labour force participants. Underemployment was positively associated with fair/poor SRMH for labour force participants. There was a significant positive association of overqualification to fair/poor SRMH for immigrant (AOR 1.63), but not for Canadian-born labour force participants (AOR 1.03), and differences between the groups were significant (p<0.05). Unemployment had a higher magnitude of association (AOR 3.41) than overqualification (AOR 1.52) to fair/poor SRMH for long-term immigrants, while overqualification had a higher magnitude of association (AOR 2.04) than unemployment (AOR 1.15) to fair/poor SRMH for recent immigrants arriving between 1993-2003. For recent immigrants, the associations of unemployment and overqualification to fair/poor SRMH were not statistically significant (p<0.05). Though differences between groups did not achieve statistical significance (p<0.05), differences may have practical importance....

This thesis engages deindustrialization as a lived process and applies the concepts of precarity as they relate to communities navigating processes of deindustrialization. Through ethnographic interviews and participant observation research conducted over the summer of 2017 I examine the lived experiences of circular migrant labourers and their significant others, who live in the former coal town of Glace Bay, Nova Scotia, Canada, as they engage in strategies to keep their families in the community. I explore the continuities of industrialization, deindustrialization and labour; the history of work in the region; the present sacrifices that families make to stay in the communities; why families stay; and what they circular migrant labourers and their significant others imagine the future of the region will look like as they raise their children there. Further, as circular migrant labourers are away from home and their families for significant amounts of time, often at irregular schedules, I ask about the strategies that labourers and their families use to eke out a living in a marginalized community. I ask participants what it is like to have to leave the community for work; what it is like to stay behind while your significant other is away for work; what is it like to be home together; and what strategies are used to keep in touch. One such strategy is the use of internet communication technologies to negotiate physical and social distance. However, these technologies do not always necessarily make up for time spent away from loved ones.

From 1995 to 1998, Ontario was the site of a sustained political and industrial conflict between the provincial government of Premier Mike Harris and a loosely-coordinated protest movement of labour unions, community organizations, and activist groups. The struggle was aimed at the defeating the “Common Sense Revolution,” a sweeping neoliberal program advanced by the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario. The program designed to renovate the state, rationalize the social safety net, repeal barriers to capital accumulation, and decisively weaken the strength of organized labour. What became a union-led extra-parliamentary opposition drew in large sections of the population often aligned with a political culture of statist collectivism encompassing both social democracy and “Red Toryism”. The movement emerged at a time when the two major parties aligned with such ideas embraced neoliberal policies. Under the leadership of Mike Harris, the Red Tories were pushed out of the Ontario Progressive Conservatives in the early 1990s. Meanwhile, the one-term New Democratic government of 1990-95 made a decisive turn towards neoliberal austerity amidst a catastrophic recession, declining federal transfers, and employer hostility. Through the union-led “Days of Action” of large political strikes, mass demonstrations, and numerous militant protests, the implementation of the Common Sense Revolution was slowed and weakened and the government’s popularity greatly diminished. However, the province’s union leadership was deeply divided over loyalties to the New Democratic Party following its turn to neoliberal austerity. One union leadership faction opposed the Days of Action while the other proved unwilling to escalate the scale of industrial disruption against the Common Sense Revolution. The crisis led to an open factional dispute within organized labour that culminated in the formal suspension of the political strikes in the summer of 1998. The outcome was an unprecedented political defeat for the labour-led forces defending an expansive redistributive welfare state, and a retreat by organized labour from extra-parliamentary political strategies in favour of electoralism. The government managed to regain support before winning re-election in 1999. The end of the Days of Action marked the political triumph of neoliberal restructuring and permanent austerity, and the crafting of a new political and economic common sense that has endured in Ontario to this day.