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The so-called “gig-economy” has been growing exponentially in numbers and importance in recent years but its impact on labour rights has been largely overlooked. Forms of work in the “gig-economy” include “crowdwork”, and “work-on-demand via apps”, under which the demand and supply of working activities is matched online or via mobile apps. These forms of work can provide a good match of job opportunities and allow flexible working schedules. However, they can also pave the way to a severe commodification of work. This paper discusses the implications of this commodification and advocates the full recognition of activities in the gig-economy as “work”. It shows how the gig-economy is not a separate silo of the economy and that is part of broader phenomena such as casualization and informalisation of work and the spread of non-standard forms of employment. It then analyses the risks associated to these activities with regard to Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, as they are defined by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and addresses the issue of misclassification of the employment status of workers in the gig economy. Current relevant trends are thus examined, such as the emergence of forms of self-organisation of workers. Finally, some policy proposals are critically analysed, such as the possibility of creating an intermediate category of worker between “employee” and “independent contractor” to classify work in the gig-economy, and other tentative proposals are put forward such extension of fundamental labour rights to all workers irrespective of employment status, and recognition of the role of social partners in this respect, whilst avoiding temptations of hastened deregulation.
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For the approximately 600,000 migrants currently working in Canada, changes made to the Temporary Foreign Worker Program in 2014 have left them more vulnerable to exploitation and have further narrowed their access to permanent residence. These are the findings of Canada’s Choice: Decent Work or Entrenched Exploitation for Canada’s Migrant Workers?, the latest report from human rights lawyer and Metcalf Fellow Fay Faraday, that builds upon her two previous Metcalf papers on the precarious conditions created and perpetuated by Canada’s controversial Temporary Foreign Worker Program. “Canada has lost its innocence on temporary labour migration,” says Faraday. “The 2014 reforms do nothing to alleviate – and in many cases exacerbate – insecurity for migrant workers. And exploitation predictably follows.” The report details the continued exploitation faced by migrant workers — including unscrupulous recruitment practices, employment mobility restrictions, and a lack of protection from rights abuses— and provides clear policy recommendations to strengthen protections and build employment security for Canada’s migrant workers. Canada’s Choice is also part of a submission to the Parliamentary Committee that is currently studying the Temporary Foreign Worker Program. With Canada’s labour migration policy at a crossroads, we hope that this timely report will contribute to informing the public discourse and lead to comprehensive reforms that enforce the rights of some of our nation’s most vulnerable workers. --Publisher's description
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Within the past decade, the unprecedented growth in non-tenure/tenure track faculty has led to speculation as to the learning environment and learning outcomes for students. Both national media and researchers have raised concerns about the growth in short-term contract faculty, yet there is little evidentiary data to support policy development. Our study of sessional faculty in Ontario’s publicly funded universities provides much needed data and insight into the current pressures, challenges, and adaptations of the rapidly rising number of university instructors who work on short-term contracts, also known as sessional faculty. --From Executive Summary
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In this discussion paper, we make the case for a renewed national dialogue on workplace democracy. Though the term may sound better suited to an academic/policy conference from the 1970s, in plain terms workplace democracy actually speaks to an ever-present need: i.e., advancing the fundamental rights of employees to associate freely and to have some say over decisions that affect their lives in the workplace. By expanding employee voice, as a country, we can also generate positive spillovers that enhance job satisfaction, raise productivity and increase civic participation. These benefits improve the lives of workers, increase the bottom lines for firms and enrich society as a whole. These are also ideas, it should be noted, that lie at the heart of industrial relations scholarship going back more than a century and which we draw from in this discussion paper. --Executive Summary
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In this report, we begin by setting the context of living and working in Greater Victoria, examining low wages, high cost of living, and employment trends, particularly in relation to work in the retail, food service, and hospitality industries. We characterize retail, food service, and hospitality work as “precarious work,” providing workers with very little in the way of wages, benefits, job security, stability, protection, or basic respect and dignity. Existing employment standards are not adequate to protect workers in retail, food service, and hospitality. The key contribution of this report is its exploration of key areas of concern – low-wages, lack of benefits, unstable scheduling practices, unfair job expectations, disregard for workersʼ health and safety, poor treatment, workplace justice – through the workersʼ own experiences and voices. We would like to thank these workers for sharing their experiences with us. By bringing these various and similar experiences together, we hope this report will help provide a grounding to fight for workplace justice.
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This study examines Metro Vancouver working poverty trends by neighbourhood pre- and post- the 2008 recession. We are often told that the solution to poverty is for the poor to “get a job” or for various sectors to create more jobs. But this study finds that a job is not a guaranteed path out of poverty. Over 100,000 working-age people in Metro Vancouver were working but stuck below the poverty line in 2012, not counting students and young adults living at home with their parents. Contrary to stereotypes about poverty being concentrated mainly in Vancouver and Surrey, this study finds the growing ranks of the working poor are spread out across the Metro Vancouver region. The study explores the economic and public policy contributing to working poverty and develops recommendations for change. The study is a co-publication of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives – BC Office, the United Way of the Lower Mainland, and the BC Poverty Reduction Coalition.
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This report is a study of occupational health and safety conditions at Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP) offices in the wake of two sets of changes: The reorganization of work associated with the Modernized Service Delivery Model (MSDM) introduced in 2010 (commonly referred to as Modernization), and the 2014 implementation of the Social Assistance Management System, a new computer system knowns as SAMS. As I crossed Ontario interviewing ODSP workers and read dozens of pages of comments workers added to their online survey, I heard and read numerous stories of frustration and disappointment with the changes, frustrations that were negatively affecting the health of workers. However, I also heard how many ODSP workers had been looking forward to these changes.
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The effects of neoliberal capitalism have had a significant impact on the structure of the Canadian labour market and economy, but also on the employment opportunities for young workers in the early 21st century. And despite being the most educated generation ever, the millennials are faced with fewer full-time, secure jobs. Many have opted to embrace self-employment, sometimes not by choice but by necessity. This qualitative study embraced similar themes from the McMaster University/United Way of Toronto/PEPSO study, “The Precarity Penalty,” to determine how self employment affects their personal, work, social and community lives. One-on-one interviews were conducted with 10 Hamilton millennials (born 1981-1997), who were recruited through the Hamilton Chamber of Commerce’s affiliated organizations, Hamilton HIVE and Young Entrepreneurs and Professionals Hamilton. A total of 28 questions explored five topical areas: 1) their employment relationship; 2) how their employment relationship affected their life outside of work – i.e., family life, friends, community involvement; 3) physical and mental health; 4) their outlook on the future in terms of employment-related opportunities and potential barriers; and 5) their overall view on work and the current generation of workers. This research provided a glimpseinto the challenges that young, well-educated, self-employed millennials face, and their views on work and the labour market today. and their views on work and the labour market today. --From Executive Summary
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This study, co-published by CCPA and Oxfam Canada, looks at how women in Canada and around the world are affected by rising inequality, including the burden of unpaid work, the undervaluing of work in
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This study investigates the TPP's chapter on "temporary entry for business persons" to understand its potential consequences for Canadian immigration policy and the Canadian labour market. It examines the general provisions that apply to all TPP countries as well as Canada's specific commitments for different categories of workers under the TPP. The study finds that the TPP will give more leeway to employers to hire migrant workers and transfer employees across borders—even in industries and regions where unemployment is high and domestic workers are available—without offering mobility rights to workers themselves. Although the short-term impact on the Canadian labour market will likely be small, the potential long-term impact of the TPP's temporary entry provisions is significant. Like other aspects of the TPP, these provisions override Canada's existing immigration policy and cannot be changed by a future government.
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Chronicles the United Steelworkers' fight to prevent workplace deaths and injuries from the 1992 Westray mine disaster through 2016. Discusses workplace deaths, the failure of employers to keep workers safe, and the ongoing need for stronger enforcement of the Westray Law. Written by former Tyee journalist Tom Sanborn.
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One-third of workers in Ontario do not receive employer-provided benefits. Seniors and those receiving social assistance are eligible for some level of public coverage, however, low-income Ontarians who are employed, are falling through the cracks without any health coverage at all. Living with low income and experiencing a lack of resources can increase the risk for poor health. Low income is associated with increased risk of cardiovascular disease, higher rates of diabetes complications, and poor mental health due to high rates of anxiety, stress, and depression. Good dental care, access to medication, and vision care are important parts of maintaining overall health and are particularly income sensitive. This paper uses data from Statistics Canada’s Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics to identify who is more or less likely to have employer-provided health benefits.... Website summary
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In January 2003, the Caledon Institute of Social Policy published the first comprehensive analysis of minimum wages in Canada, Minimum Wages in Canada: A Statistical Portrait with Policy Implications. The report plotted trends in adult minimum wages in Canada’s ten provinces and three territories1 from 1965 through 2001, and investigated the size and key characteristics of the minimum wage workforce nationally and in each province. Caledon updated its 2003 study with a 2011 version, Restoring Min- imum Wages in Canada. That paper tracked trends in minimum wage rates from 1965 through 2010. The current study, Minimum Wage Rates in Canada: 1965-2015, up- dates the data to 2015. It will be annually updated from now on.
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Released in advance of the Ontario government’s consultation process to review the Employment Standards Act and the Labour Relations Act, this report draws on Statistics Canada data to track a growing reliance on low-wage, precarious employment in Ontario, and how precariously employed workers have less access to the protections of membership in a trade union. The report also highlights the need to modernize the outdated regulatory laws for workers in Ontario, and concludes there is scope for the province to raise the minimum wage, to require employers to schedule more predictable work hours, to set a higher standard for paid leave, and to make it easier for lowwage workers to unionize.
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For a purportedly democratic country such as Canada, it is strange that so many of us seem to accept, unquestioningly, the absolute right of the employer to arbitrarily dictate the terms and conditions of our workplaces. This is just one example of what Ralph Nader is talking about when he says that, "When all is said and done, democracy is widely liked and widely unpracticed."
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Building on previous research, Workers’ Action Centre members spent the past year identifying key problems workers are facing in the labour market and developing priorities for change. This report brings workers’ voices, experiences and recommendations to this conversation, contributing knowledge that will be essential to updating Ontario’s labour legislation from the ground up. --Website summary
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In 2013, the Poverty and Employment Precarity in Southern Ontario (PEPSO) research group released the report, "It's More than Poverty: Employment Precarity and Household Wellbeing." Based on 4,165 surveys collected in late 2011 and early 2012, and 83 interviews conducted in 2011 with workers in different forms of precarious employment, It's More than Poverty examined the characteristics of employment in the Greater Toronto-Hamilton Area (GTHA). It documented the range of employment experiences and it revealed the extent of insecurity associated with insecure employment relationships. Equally important, it showed the impact of insecure employment relationships on individual and household well-being and community participation.... --From Executive Summary.
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This report was prepared for the Moose Cree First Nation. Employment opportunities figure prominently in the private agreements between First Nations, Inuit and Métis governments and the resource companies who want to develop on their territories. Resource companies and Indigenous leadership alike often see employment opportunities as a key way that local communities can benefit from resource-related development. Many early agreements, however, provided for entry-level positions but not for training that would lead to meaningful work that is well compensated for Indigenous communities. As a result, employment provisions in agreements often strive to provide greater detail about access to training and movement into higher skilled positions. Access to training is particularly critical in the construction sector, since jobs are short term and range from unskilled positions that have no upward mobility to registered tradespersons, foreman and superintendent positions. This report offers a detailed examination of how a negotiated agreement facilitated the training and employment of First Nations workers in the construction phase of the Lower Mattagami River Hydro River Project (LMRP) from 2010 to 2015.
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In-depth forecast of the next two, five and ten years of the existing workforce, demographics and diversity, and other challenges in the Canadian mining industry. Concludes that the industry faces significant labour market challenges and pressures in the coming years.
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Based on interviews with 200 farmworkers, as well as representatives from industry, advocates and civil servants, this study finds that most BC farm workers are subject to hazardous conditions like unsafe transportation, substandard living conditions, long work hours and dangerous equipment. Employment standards for the agricultural sector are only loosely enforced.