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This dissertation examines the process by which a singular Ukrainian Canadian identity was constructed and entrenched throughout the twentieth century. It details how one of Canada’s largest and best organized diasporic communities, utilizing changing notions of cultural pluralism and the politics of the Cold War, crafted an increasingly nationalist, anti-communist version of identity that eradicated previously popular articulations of what it meant to be a Ukrainian in Canada. The traditional historiography posits that the community defined itself on its own terms, relying on individualized acts of agency and migrant resilience to entrench a version of Ukrainian-ness that was a democratic, bottom-up reflection of the collective. This project offers an alternative perspective by focusing on the battle over community narratives between communists, represented by the Ukrainian Labour Farmer Temple Association (ULFTA) and then the Association of United Ukrainian Canadians (AUUC), and the nationalists, organized under the umbrella of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). I show how, with the help of state officials, the nationalists overpowered their ideological enemies on the left, concreting their identity as hegemonic. Through this process of coherence, they further bound specific aspects of their own ideology, perceived as innocuous, apolitical, and simply common sense, into mainstream political consciousness. Beyond a simple community study, this dissertation is also a case study about the building of anti-communist hegemony in Canada. Chapter One examines the role of state surveillance and political policing to show how state officials collaborated with the UCC to weaken the domestic left. Chapter Two analyzes the rise and fall of a government bureaucracy that acculturated the nationalists so as to embed them in Canada’s structures of power and bolster their anti-communism. Chapter Three looks more closely at acts of anti-communist violence, which seriously deterred participation in the AUUC. The state’s refusal to condemn the violence also telegraphed its preferences and helped define Canada’s social, political, and judicial boundaries. Chapter Four focuses on the nationalists’ appropriation of cultural pluralism to further entrench their version of Ukrainian identity. Lastly, Chapter Five explores commemoration, where competing visions for certain cultural figures were articulated and, eventually, nationalist narratives were set.

This article discusses the sector-wide organization of contractual archaeologists in Québec, beginning with the formation of a workers’ committee and leading subsequently to union accreditation. We theorize the difficulty of organizing these “precarious professionals” and suggest that self-organization outside of an industrial relations framework may be required to overcome barriers to their unionization. Deliberation, norm setting, and informal parlays with employers lead to clarifying class distinctions that professional identification often occludes, while self-organization increases worker confidence in collective action.

Eugene T. Kingsley led an extraordinary life. Born in mid-nineteenth-century New York, by 1890 he was a railway brakeman in Montana. An accident left him a double amputee and politically radicalized, and his socialist activism that followed took him north of the border where he eventually was considered by the government to be "one of the most dangerous men in Canada." Able to Lead traces Kingsley's political journey from soapbox speaker in San Francisco to prominence in the Socialist Party of Canada. Ravi Malhotra and Benjamin Isitt illuminate a figure who shaped a generation of Canadian leftists during a time when it was uncommon for disabled people to lead. They examine Kingsley's endeavours for justice against the Northern Pacific Railway, and how Kingsley's life intersected with immigration law and free speech rights. Able to Lead brings a turbulent period in North American history to life, highlighting Kingsley's profound legacy for the twenty-first-century political left. --Publisher's description. Contents: Kingsley in Context: Labour History, Legal History, and Critical Disability Theory -- Incident at Spring Gulch: Disablement, Litigation, and the Birth of a Revolutionary -- California Radical: Fighting for Free Speech and Running for Congress in the Socialist Labor Party -- Crossing the Line: Kingsley Arrives in British Columbia -- No Compromise: Kingsley and the Socialist Party of Canada -- Kingsley and the State: Clashes with Authority in Early-Twentieth-Century Canada -- The Twilight Years: Kingsley and the 1920s Canadian Left.

« L’heure des pétitions est passée, il faut des actes » présente une histoire vue d’en bas des sans-travail québécois au cours de l’entre-deux-guerres (1919-1939). L’objectif de cette thèse est de démontrer la contribution de l’action collective des sans-emploi à la politisation du problème du chômage au Québec durant les années 1920 et 1930. Cette période est un événement matrice pour l’histoire du chômage au Québec et au Canada. Le chômage, qui est déjà un phénomène important au cours du processus d’industrialisation au XIXe siècle, atteint au cours de la Grande Dépression des proportions jusqu’alors inégalées. Ce problème, qui jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale est encore largement considéré comme relevant d’une éthique du travail déficiente, de l’imprévoyance des individus, ou encore la conséquence des cycles saisonniers de l’économie, se présente de plus en plus comme un phénomène politique et systémique remettant en cause l’organisation de la société québécoise et canadienne. Dans ce changement de paradigme, l’action collective des sans-travail joue un rôle déterminant. Grâce à celle-ci, le chômage prend la forme d’un problème à la fois collectif, social et politique, qui ultimement remet en question la relation entre la démocratie et le capitalisme. L’étude du répertoire d’action collective des sans-travail québécois permet de mieux comprendre leur rôle dans l’histoire du chômage. Leurs protestations prennent racine dans une économie morale qui annonce une redéfinition de la citoyenneté fondée sur la formulation de nouvelles attentes envers l’État. Considérant que le chômage est indépendant de leur volonté, les sans-emploi estiment alors avoir le droit à une assistance contre le chômage. Bien que les manifestations de sans-travail ne soient pas un phénomène nouveau dans l’histoire québécoise, au cours des années 1920 et 1930, celles-ci apparaissent de moins en moins marginales. Prenant racine à Montréal dans le contexte de la Révolte ouvrière, elles s’étendent à plusieurs autres villes de la province au cours de la Grande Dépression. Perçus comme une menace à la paix sociale, dans un moment fortement marqué par l’anticommunisme, ces mouvements forcent les pouvoirs publics à intervenir. Encore peu étudiées à ce jour, ces manifestations, jumelées à celles qui se déroulent ailleurs au Canada, expliquent pourquoi le chômage devient, pour la première fois, un problème politique d’importance et débattu au sein de la sphère publique.

The article reviews the book, "The University and Social Justice: Struggles Across the Globe," edited by Aziz Choudry and Salim Vally.

Award-winning ergonomist Karen Messing is talking with women—women who wire circuit boards, sew clothes, clean toilets, drive forklifts, care for children, serve food, run labs. What she finds is a workforce in harm’s way, choked into silence, whose physical and mental health invariably comes in second place: underestimated, underrepresented, understudied, underpaid. Should workplaces treat all bodies the same? With confidence, empathy, and humour, Messing navigates the minefield that is naming sex and biology on the job, refusing to play into stereotypes or play down the lived experiences of women. Her findings leap beyond thermostat settings and adjustable chairs and into candid, deeply reported storytelling that follows in the muckraking tradition of social critic Barbara Ehrenreich. Messing’s questions are vexing and her demands are bold: we need to dare to direct attention to women’s bodies, champion solidarity, stamp out shame, and transform the workplace—a task that turns out to be as scientific as it is political. --Publisher's description. Contents: Part 1: Shame and the Workplace. The third hour -- Shame and silence in health care -- A feminist intervention that hurt women? Part 2: Segregated Bodies. Jobs and bodies -- Same, different, or understudied? Part 3.Changing the Workplace: Re-engineering women's work -- Looking the dragon in the face -- Feminist ergonomic intervention with a feminist employer -- Solidarity. Part 4: Changing Occupational Health Science. Science and the second body -- Understanding women's pain -- The technical is political -- Going forward together. Index.

Discusses the shifting relationship between Indigneous peoples and the labour movement, where historically there has been deep tension. Concludes that labour organizing should engage with and learn from the frameworks of Indigenous communities as they struggle to develop in the context of the capitalist system and their changing relationship with the state. A revised version of the essay published in the 2012 edition.

The article reviews the book, "Les relations industrielles en questions," edited by Patrice Jalette.

/Toute personne qui observe le monde du travail et de l’emploi comprendra que ce volume est mis sous presse à un moment d’incertitude et d’anxiété. En 2020, nous sommes entrés dans une longue période de confinement et d’isolement, la COVID-19 ayant généré plusieurs crises. Comme c’est le cas pour les véritables catastrophes, cette ère de malaise a eu un point de départ bien défini (début de mars 2020), mais elle est maintenant entrée dans une phase qui, malgré le déploiement actuel des vaccins, semble être présente pour une durée indéterminée....//This edition goes to press at a time of uncertainty and anxiety for the majority of those who have a stake in the world of work and employment. In 2020, people on all populated continents entered a protracted period of lockdown and isolation in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis. As is characteristic of genuine catastrophes, this era of malaise had a defined commencement point (early March 2020) but has now entered a phase where, despite the current roll-out of vaccines, looks like being present for an indeterminate long-haul....

Qu’est-ce qu’une organisation juste? Quelles sont les injustices perçues par les travailleurs et les travailleuses? Quelles en sont les répercussions sur leur santé? Dans quelle mesure la COVID-19 a-t-elle exacerbé ces perceptions d’injustices?Cet ouvrage réunit des auteurs qui discutent des apports et des limites des études de justice organisationnelle pour comprendre les liens entre les perceptions d’injustice et la santé en milieu de travail. Ouvrage collectif de synthèse, ce livre innove en contribuant à une ouverture disciplinaire et méthodologique du champ de la justice organisationnelle et en examinant les conséquences de la COVID-19.Alors que les études de justice organisationnelle tendent à psychologiser le mal-être au travail, les auteurs invitent ici à des approches plus contextuelles et compréhensives. L’injustice ressentie par les travailleurs apparait ainsi principalement liée à des modes de gestion et d’évaluation autoritaires. Si les normes professionnelles partagées semblent contribuer à minimiser certaines souffrances vécues, la crise de la Covid-19 a accru les perceptions d’injustice et fragilisé la santé psychologique des travailleurs. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History," by Kurt Andersen.

The article reviews the book, "How Innovation Works: And Why It Flourishes in Freedom," by Matt Ridley.

The article reviews the book, "Management Studies in Crisis: Fraud, Deception and Meaningless Research," by Dennis Tourish.

This study examines discrimination in the workplace in Canada and explores the intersection of marginalized groups. It uses data from the General Social Survey 2016, which collected information from 19,609 non-institutionalized individuals. Results show that 17 percent of the job applicants and 9 percent of the workers felt discriminated against in the workplace during the 12 months before the survey. Data analysis indicates that a person’s identification with two marginalized groups increases the chances of discrimination and augments it further with three marginalized identities. However, the incremental effect of four or more marginalized groups is difficult to examine with this dataset due to the depleting sample size with the inclusion of every new group. Results from the logistic regression illustrate that the intersection of two, three, or four selected disadvantaged groups increases workplace discrimination significantly, thus supporting the theory of intersectionality. However, this perspective does not work for some combinations of marginalized groups.

The article reviews the book, "Punishing Poverty: How Bail and Pretrial Detention Fuel Inequalities in the Criminal Justice System," by Christine Scott-Hayward and Henry F. Fradella.

Notre article porte sur les intensités et la fragilisation des collectifs de travail et offre une synthèse de la littérature concernant le travail et ses intensités, en particulier dans le milieu aérien. Prenant le cas du personnel navigant commercial (PNC) dans le milieu aérien, nous nous appuyons sur la théorie des demandes-ressources du travail et de l’organisation capacitante pour analyser les perceptions de ces travailleurs concernant les demandes physiques, psychosociales et organisationnelles du travail, ainsi que les ressources de même type, notamment à la suite de l’autorisation d’une réduction d’effectif par le ministère des Transports sur bon nombre de porteurs canadiens en juillet 2015. Nous portons une attention particulière aux demandes du travail constituant une contrainte, ce qui est rarement pris en compte dans les études sur l’intensification du travail. À l’aide du construit de caravanes de ressources et d’organisation capacitante, nous nous demandons si les collectifs de travail PNC sont en mesure d’accomplir leur mission collective de maintien de la sécurité et de service auprès du public. Nous avons pour cela mené 41 entrevues semi-dirigées auprès d’agents de bord et de directeurs de vol volontaires provenant de deux compagnies aériennes canadiennes. Nous avons procédé à une analyse de contenu qualitative faisant émerger les thèmes principaux de manière inductive et analysant les demandes et les ressources physiques, psychosociales et organisationnelles du travail. Nos résultats documentent de façon originale comment une augmentation notable des intensités contraignantes du travail perturbe les collectifs de travail, en particulier le rôle pivot du directeur de vol, contribuant à la recherche émergente au sujet de la fragilisation des processus de travail. De nombreux aspects demeurent à améliorer pour qualifier les compagnies aériennes étudiées d’organisations capacitantes.

This thesis examines the role of Chinese in Canadian history by looking beyond the popular railway narrative that reinforces a stereotype of docile cheap labour and a reductive lens of racism. The research will look at what brought Chinese sojourners to Canada and the economic and legislation restraints and discriminatory labour practices by the government and employers. It will look at how Chinese people began to resist the prohibitive social, economic, and political policies through protests, Chinese unions, and collaborative efforts of Chinese and white Canadians. The railway narrative rendered Chinese women invisible within Canadian history as it focuses on the racial discrimination of Chinese men. The research will show Chinese women were impacted economically and socially by their lack of visibility within society due to gender and cultural discrimination by both white and Chinese communities. Finally, without acknowledgement and education the perpetuation of racial stereotypes will continue.

Detailed analysis of Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey shows the complex relationship between the different types of non-standard employment, including non-permanent jobs, self-employment, part-time work and low pay. Term and contract work has increased substantially since 1997, but there is no corresponding decrease in permanent jobs or increase in part-time or low wage jobs. The different forms of non-standard employment are concentrated in specific population groups, including women in part-time and low wage jobs, university graduates and younger workers in term and contract jobs, and older workers in self-employment. But precarious employment is much more strongly related to occupation and industry than to workers’ characteristics. There are some provincial differences, while firm and establishment size and unionization have small effects on non-standard employment. These findings cast doubt on the dominant narrative of precarious employment.

Using Community-Engaged research and an intersectional approach, this dissertation examines and interprets the ways two different Indigenous communities – The Tla’amin of British Columbia and the Mi’kmaq of Pictou, Nova Scotia –responded to the challenges and opportunities associated with settler colonialism, the creation of Indian Reserves, and the establishment of a capitalist wage labour economy in Indigenous territories. It primarily situates this discussion within the context of colonial efforts to geographically anchor Indigenous families in specific places while they struggled to retain meaningful connections with their broader territories. This dissertation provides critical analysis of the utility of using ‘settler colonialism’ as a catch-all to explain the various types of colonialism that impacted Indigenous people in Canada. Various types of colonialism contributed to a process where Atlantic Mi’kmaw and Pacific Coast Salish people with complex understandings of their territories and resources based on seasonal procurement and kinship systems, became geographically anchored on reserves as part of Indian Bands in the late nineteenth century. Within this confusing and often contradictory colonial world, the Tla’amin and the Mi’kmaq built adaptive and flexible economies that emphasized multiple occupations and relied on labour inputs from women and men to function. I argue that these new markets for Indigenous labour and commodities played an as of yet underappreciated role in the historical understanding of Indigenous motivations for securing specific reserve lands during the colonial survey of Indigenous lands in Canada. This dissertation adds to a growing body of literature that celebrates and historicizes Indigenous contributions to the labour history of Canada, and does so in ways that express how Indigenous people developed dynamic and responsive economies within emerging settler colonial economies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Analyzes the crisis in Canadian Communism triggered by international developments including Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of the crimes of the Stalin era made in a "secret speech" in February 1956, and the Soviet Union's intervention later in the year to crush the revolt in Hungary. Calls attention to Karen Levine's article, "The Labor-Progressive Party in Crisis, 1956-1957, " published in the same issue, that was originally written as an undergraduate essay at the University of Toronto in the late 1970s.