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The B.C.-CCF was formed in late 1932 shortly after the formation of the national CCF party. In November of the following year the B.C. party ran in its first election and secured sufficient support to become the official opposition. The party's executive, spurred by the prospects and hopes of its eventual election as government and in response to its need for a moderate image, selected a retired Anglican minister as House leader. The choice of Robert Connell as House leader was not, however, unanimous. Diehard socialists with different interpretations of society and the role the party should play in achieving social change, fought Connell*s leadership and received sufficient support to mount an intensive intraparty campaign of harassment and criticism. Connell's critics were successful, as a result, in making his leadership intolerable and the subsequent weight of circumstances led him to imprudently reject party convention decisions because they favoured his left wing opponents. This action both isolated him from the rank and file and gave his critics, then in control of the party's executive, an excuse to expel him for his treachery and apostasy. His leadership ended less than three years after it had begun and he became one of three B.C. party leaders dethroned during this period by his party.

In view of the existence of a predominantly agricultural economy in the province of Saskatchewan, especially in the years before the Second World War, one might assume that the study of organized labour would lack significance. But the very presence of a movement from the beginning of the province, a movement which continued to exist and even grow, albeit slowly, was in itself important. ...It is one of the objectives of this project to examine the extent to which organized labour, usually considered a force of the left, compared with and contributed to this radical tradition. However, the largest part of this study, based essentially on a wide variety of manuscript sources, is concerned with the historical development of the movement in the years 1905 to 1945, the years dominated by the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada....

This study is concerned with the development of Winnipeg's socialist movement in the 1900 to 1915 period. It will focus on this small segment of the city's labor movement. It is evident that the mainstream of Winni­peg socialism was involved with the trade union movement both in terms of dual membership and political activity. The exception to this occurred in the four years from 1904 to 1908, when Winnipeg's Socialist Party of Canada local was involved neither in cooperative nor in independent muni­cipal and provincial politics. It existed as a set of some 150 dogmatic Marxist propagandists awaiting the inevitable collapse of the capitalist system. The dominance of this group was short-lived, and the Winnipeg social­ists reaffirmed their faith in the democratic-liberal traditions of the British working-class movement. Those European immigrants who became involved in the city's socialist movement after 1907 only helped strengthen this tradition, for their leadership preferred the parliamentary approach of the socialists in Germany to the uncompromising dogmatism of the Socialist Party of Canada.... From author's introduction.

This thesis examines the social organisation of longshoremen and their families and its implications for industrial relations in the Port of St. John's, Canada. The analysis focusses on effects of an extreme in casual labour markets operating against a background of chronic unemployment. Although concentrating on activities within the port it is essential to place these within Newfoundland's geographic, economic, political and legal contexts; these accordingly form the basis of Chapter 1, which also introduces the actors. Chapter 2 sets the longshore family within the context of Newfoundland's rurally based kinship system and shows how structural divisions and alliances derived from within the family are manifest on the dock. It demonstrates how physical strength and prestige are related and as men age, wives and sons assume familial authority. Religion is ezamined in Chapter 3 as providing a social bond for pious women through whom are allocated scarce resources, both economic and social. Economic resources, as collectively organised welfare payments, are offered in cases of family misfortune, whilst piety permits social mobility of children. Mothers are thus able to alleviate some disadvantages of a father's low class occupation. Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 concentrate on the longshore work gang as basic unit of work and leisure. Chapter 4 examines how gang workers cooperate and emerge able collectively to modify the foreman's apparently absolute powers in hiring, firing and discipline. The methods by which collective opposition is mounted and prior structural divisions overcome are analysed through an extended case study, the subject of Chapter 5. Chapter 6 examines how pilferage is organised in the docks; analyses alliances and dependencies involved and the institutionalised limits set. It then considers implications of limits as an aspect of longshore morality and an indication of managerial collusion. The articulation of gang organisation derived from work and that found in leisure activities is considered in Chapter 7. The gang is examined as an insurance agency parallel to women's organisations discussed in Chapter 3. Integration and membership within gangs is derived from conformity to work and sociability norms - particularly in drinking. Relationships within drinking groups are then considered in detail. Some men, outsiders to these norms, are found in the gangs; their special role as gang spokesmen against management is considered as they articulate with the Union's political life. Chapter 8 considers Union political activity and relations with employers together. Membership participation is constrained by divisive aspects of membership and Union structure. These are moveable when preconditions allow cross wharf alliances. Resulting turbulence can be focussed on Executives or through them to Employers. In the concluding chapter I briefly summarise the argument.

This study traces the development of union education within the Canadian Labour Congress and its predecessors. During the period when union education in Canada originated immediately after World War II, there were two large Canadian Congresses, the Trades and Labor Congress (T.L.C.), and the Canadian Congress of Labour (C.C.L.). The C.C.L., formed in 1940, and its affiliated industrial unions had a pressing need for union education to familiarize its members with union principles. The T.L.C. as a long-established (1883) affiliation of craft unions had a tradition of loyalty toward union aims and was less interested in educational programs. When the two Congresses merged in 1956 and became the Canadian Labour Congress the expansion and growth of membership increased the need for education within the unions. Before the unions organized educational programs for their own members other agencies such as the Mechanics Institute and the Workers' Educational Association attempted to provide a program of liberal arts programs. The programs contributed toward the development of the individual competencies of workers who were not necessarily union members. The peripheral organizations declined as the unions became more adept at administering union education programs. The C.C.L. with its larger affiliated unions is considered to be the originator of union education in Canada. Howard Conquergood, A.L. Hepworth, and Andy Andras, executives of the first education committee in the C.C.L., had a lasting influence on union education trends. The characteristic methods used in union education programs were week-long and weekend schools devoted to giving the student a thorough knowledge of the union as a viable organization dedicated to furthering the economic and social interests of the member. The rise in membership is identified as a factor in the development of the union education program. With the merger of the T.L.C. and the C.C.L. in 1956 to form the Canadian Labour Congress (C.L.C.), more resources could be directed to education. A description is given of the role of the labour movement in adult education through various co-operative activities such as the Labour University Conference in 1956, the National Citizens Forum, and the Canadian Trade Union Film Committee. The co-operation of the C.L.C., McGill University, and the Université de Montreal, led to the establishment in 1963 of the Labour College of Canada as an institution of higher education for trade union members. The College provides an eight-week residential program for workers of Canada and also those of foreign countries. Also pointed out is the broad interest shown by the unions in International affiliations and the study of education in emerging countries. The study concludes by identifying general trends in union education in the past and suggesting some new directions and program areas for union education in the future.

This study attempts to present an economic background to the Winnipeg General Strike and in particular examine in detail the wages and working conditions that prevailed prior to and during those eventful days. In the past the Winnipeg General Strike has been considered from primarily a political and social viewpoint. If we accept the views of Mr. Robson, K.C., head of the Royal Commission that investigated the strike, the economic issues are of more importance.

Having organized as a local of the Mine Workers' Union of Canada (MWUC) only a few days previously, the miners ot the Souris coalfield walked off the job on September 8, 1931 to reinforce their demands for increased wages and improved working conditions. The seasonal and fluctuating nature of the Saskatchewan industry, the reduction in reali­zation by operators from the sale of lignite, wage reductions in late 1930 and early 1931, and certain unsatisfactory work­ing and living conditions may be identified as underlying causes of the dispute. Three factors ultimately precipitated the wildcat strike: the absence of any established grievance mechanism, the coal operators' refusal to recognize the MWUC, and the refusal of James Sloan, MWUC president, to accede to demands for the establishment of a conciliation board under The Industrial Disputes Investigation Act. On September 29 some 300 to 400 striking miners and their families clashed with police on the streets of Estevan, Saskatchewan in a bloody riot resulting in three deaths, a number of injuries, and the conviction of several participants on charges arising out of the confrontation. The tragic events of "Black Tuesday" helped bring about a settlement, but not an altogether desirable one. The authorities, it would seem, beginning in early October, launched a campaign aimed at placing the bulk of responsibility for affairs on "outside agitators," at depriving the miners of the support and assistance of anyone from outside the district, at undermining unity among the miners, and at bringing the parties together under their scarcely impartial auspicies. The result was a settlement which, while granting some con­cessions to the miners, was violated in varying degrees at once by the operators. Not surprisingly, before a royal commission set up to examine the causes of the strike had completed its report, there was talk among miners of further strike action. It is also not altogether surprising that there was no official inquiry into the riot itself.

L'étroite interdépendance des phénomènes économiques et sociaux explique le choix de l'année 1896 comme point de départ de cette brève étude de la condition des travailleurs de Québec: à partir de 1896, une phase de croissance succède à une longue période de récession économique; cette conjoncture plus favorable accélère le développement d'une infrastructure industrielle dans la province. Seul le déclenchement de la première guerre mondiale modifiera quelque peu le rythme de cette croissance. C'est à l'intérieur de cette période assez longue, soit de 1896 à 1914, que nous voulons élaborer un cadre général deréférence dans lequel pourront par la suite s'insérer plusieurs études particulières. L'état embryonnaire des recherches surl'histoire des travailleurs québécois nécessite d'abord un travail de défrichage, une perspective globale sans laquelle on ne saurait comprendre ni le sens des revendications ouvrières, ni la montée du syndicalisme dans les principales agglomérations urbaines. --Introduction

The hypothesis of the thesis is that Canadian teachers have sought to gain some control over their professional lives through organisation. The study traces the evolution of the Canadian teachers' organizations from a period of vigorous ascendency between 1916 and 1921 to the middle of the 1950s. By then the organizations had formed their main features and shaped their occupational ideology. The simplest theoretical statement, framework, or model of the thesis is that teachers have attempted to escape from or at least to modify the bureaucratic environment which prescribed the conditions of their vocation. While teachers largely united in seeking this escape, they were not of one mind as to the appropriate means or alternatives: professionalism, unionism, or a combination of both. To most teachers, professionalism and unionism seemed polar and incompatible. The conclusion reached in the study is that teachers’ organizations evolved as "professional unions," largely because of the teachers' need to cope with their salaried and employee status while clinging to the aspiration of professionalism and public service. The thesis rests extensively on primary sources: the records and files of the teachers' organizations, journals of the organisations, contemporary newspapers and magazines, and documents housed in the various archives of Canada. The thesis is not a definitive study of all the issues that have concerned teachers or their organizations. Rather, it is keyed to those issues and situations that have involved a debate over unionism and professionalism, or which have caused teachers to adopt more militant postures. Admittedly the study is pro-teacher, essentially a result of the sources consulted. A deliberate attempt, however, has been made to record the teachers' reactions to their own historical experience, the trustees, and government. The study is divided into six chapters. The first, tracing the years of formation and survival (1915-1930), explains the causes for teacher organization and the teachers' goals. It probes their occupational ideologies. The second chapter investigates the teachers' strikes of the 1920's, and ponders the meaning of these strikes and the issues of teacher militancy. The third chapter deals with the impact of the depression and the war (1930-1945) on the evolution of the organized profession. This chapter reveals the extent of economic retrenchment on teachers' salaries, the spirit of organizational experimentation, and the renewed militancy as the depression receded and the war ensued. The fourth chapter shows how the teachers' "professional unionism" is rooted in their acceptance of the essentials of trade unionism. The fifth chapter records the teachers' courtship with organized labour--affiliation. In particular, it traces in detail the experiment of the British Columbia Teachers' Federation with affiliation, with public admission of trade unionism. The last chapter deals with the achievement of statutory or automatic membership, an organizational development which is singularly the most significant in the history of the Canadian teaching profession.