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[The author] reminds us that faculty power, and not only student power, helped to change the structure and governance of the modern university. --From editors' introduction
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Provides an analysis of labour politics in Québec, arguing that the distinct trajectory of Québec unions caused the movement to adopt political strategies which diverged from those of the Canadian labour movement as a whole. --Editor's introduction
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Analyzes the Quebec economy from the mid 1990s to the financial crisis of 2008-09, including stagnant wages and the trend toward precarious work. Emphasis is placed on the ambivalent state of the labour movement. The conclusion calls for the movement to become more inclusive, and to defend the distinctive Quebec model of programs, such as daycare.
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Describes the efforts of agricultural workers to obtain legal protection with particular reference to legislation and proceedings in Ontario. Concludes that despite legal setbacks, the struggle continues through the Agriculture Worker Alliance of the United Food and Commercial Workers.
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Considers the intersection of relevant conventions of the International Labour Organization, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and labour case law of the Supreme Court of Canada. Asserts that the Canadian government is bound by ILO membership to promote collective bargaining, and that the Supreme Court's reliance on ILO principles was fully justified in Dunmore and BC Health Services. Concludes that, although the court's decision on Fraser fails to implement these principles, the right to strike in Canada will eventually be constitutionally recognized.
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“the 18 women and two men attending a course called History of Women in Canada” at the University of Toronto, wrote a Globe and Mail reporter in spring 1976,“could hardly wait to comment on their own experiences when instructor Sylvia Van Kirk introduced the subject of women’s rights in Canada.” The journalist, Constance Mungall, went on to describe the course—a new third-year seminar being offered by the (now defunct) interdisciplinary studies department at the University of Toronto—and the class (“After the vote: Did it make any difference?”) she had just observed. Sylvia had promoted discussion in the seminar by noting that “in the 1930s suffragette Nellie McClung had said the place of women in dating is ‘to wait… wait… wait’” and then asking if they thought it was still true today. Various students jumped in with their opinion and “the consensus was that it’s still the same and it’s hypocritical.” Mungall had attended the class as the course was nearing its end. By then, the seminar had covered a series of topics that would become standard fare for survey courses in Canadian women’s history, including Native women in the fur trade (a topic that, of course, Sylvia’s own research had helped make possible), white settler pioneers, and women in education, medicine, waged work, and moral and political reform movements. But these were also early days for women’s history and Sylvia was drawing on limited resources—still convincing people of the value of the field—and introducing little known historical female. --Introduction
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Examines how the increase in precarious employment has exacerbated health and safety hazards and injuries in Ontario work places. Concludes that the Canadian regulatory system is flawed. Based on surveys and interviews conducted in southern Ontario in 2005 and 2006.
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Analyzes the Supreme Court's jurisprudence on freedom of association, notably B.C. Health Services (2007), in respect to Canada's constitutional relationship with international law.
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Explores the variable relationship between organized labour and Aboriginal politics, such as the construction of the Voisey's Bay nickel mine in traditional Inuit territories in Labrador. Concludes that unions need to engage substantively with Aboriginal struggles as workers and peoples.
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[The author's] contribution ensures that workers have a voice in this collection, not as members of large bureaucratic unions, but as wild-cat strikers challenging the labour leadership’s power. --From editors' introduction.
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Considers the life of Quebec labour organizer Madeleine Parent, notably her role in the Dominion Textile strike of 1946, in the context of work as a social relation, the impetus of the Canadian labour movement, and the conservative political climate in Quebec.
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The author reflects on his interview with Nova Scotia activist Lynn Jones, who fought racial discrimination in her community, work place, and union.
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Docments the rising inequality, financialization of the economy, erosion of the manufacturing sector, the growth in resource industries and construction, changes in the workforce, and ithe decline in union density in the context of the neoliberal poltiical climate in Canada. Concludes that unions must contribute to a broader working class organization that redresses the balance.
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Annotated photographs of migrant farmers in Ontario from 1984 to 2009, drawn from the author's book, "Harvest Pilgrim's" (Between the Lines, 2009).
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An analysis of the impact of the Supreme Court of Canada decision in Fraser on protection of freedom of association in the collective bargaining context in Canada, with particular emphasis on the different approaches taken by the Court, including the dissenting reasons of Justice Rothstein, and what those reasons reveal about the Court's disagreement over the scope of freedom of association in the collective bargaining context.
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[Provides] a critical examination of Canada's Temporary Migration Programs for agriculture. I show how migrants are positioned to be relatively more vulnerable than other workers within the country's food agricultural system owing to their position at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy, their precarious immigration status as temporary "foreign" workers, and their racialization as non-Whites from the global South. Moreover, I illustrate how changes to policies of temporary migration have constituted farm work as an even more precarious form of employment for migrants in particular, but also Canadians.... Finally, while recognizing that TMPs may contribute to aspects fo economic development, enabling participants to access income and assets formerly out of their reach, I call for greater attention to the rights, welfare, and dignity of migrants when considering temporary migrations programs.
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[E]xamines the collective bargaining system for teachers employed in the kindergarten to grade 12 public school system in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador. ...[Concludes that the] long tradition of centralized labour relations, reinforced by legislation that preserves the centralized system, appears to serve the parties well. --Editor's introduction.
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[The author] delves into the influence on teacher labour relations of the decades-long struggle for control of public education in British Columbia. The chapter identifies key developments in the pre- and post-1972 periods and their effects. --Editor's introduction
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[D]escribes the current system of collective bargaining and labour relations in this sector. The underlying theme is that of progressive centralization...at the provincial level. ...[D]iscusses the historical evolution of the collective bargaining regime. ...[C]onsiders the outcomes of collective bargaining in terms of process, conflict, and working conditions.
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[E]xplains the unique dual statutory model regulating teacher employment in Manitoba and key junctures in the development of this model, and the organization of the education system in a highly politicized context. ...[C]oncludes by offering some observations on the effectiveness of the collective bargaining structure of kindergarten to Grade 12 public school teachers in Manitoba as well as possible impacts on future bargaining.
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