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Proactive and responsive governments can put in place the foundations for stability through transitions that empower worker and community resiliency and ensure those socioeconomic changes are positive. These foundations include key enabling factors and mechanisms for collaboration, accountability, and implementation. The Pembina Institute and the Canadian Labour Congress have partnered to develop a Sustainable Jobs Blueprint, which identifies policy and investment recommendations tosupport the Canadian workforce in the transition to a net-zero economy. This is the first report in a series on sustainable jobs planning in Canada to support the creation and maintenance of decent jobs across Canada. Part one outlines a governance framework needed for a robust sustainable jobs approach in Canada and includes recommendations for government action. Part two will offer recommendations for an implementation plan, supported by the governance framework, that will best support workers and communities. --Website description/Introduction

The article reviews the book, "Les couleurs de la révolution. La gauche à l’épreuve du pouvoir. Venezuela, Équateur, Bolivie : un bilan à travers l’histoire," by Patrick Guillaudat and Pierre Mouterde.

The article reviews the book, "Putting Skill to Work: How to Create Good Jobs in Uncertain Times," by Nichola Lowe.

Much has been written on the history of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), but rarely are conversations regarding the experiences of First Nations and Chinese immigrants on the railway brought together. This thesis will analyze how First Nations and Chinese people in Western Canada experienced the construction of the railway and how, as racialized peoples, they were excluded from the original national mythology centered on the completion of a transcontinental railway. The seemingly benign symbol of a railway representing the nation continues the violence of naturalizing colonial, capitalist structures in the national landscape. A closer look at this history reveals the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, the destruction of their ways of life and incorporation of the capitalist economy—all processes that continues today. The history of the railway also reveals the place of Chinese immigrants as a distinct, racialized labour force in late-nineteenth-century Canada that reinforced and that was informed by the racial and economic interests of the national subject at an important time in the development of the nation and its national myths. Drawing on the insights of Manu Karuka’s Empire’s Tracks, this analysis situates the CPR as a tool of colonial, capitalist, countersovereignty.

« Est-ce qu’il suffit de travailler moins pour retrouver l’équilibre entre les différentes facettes de nos vies surchargées ? La réduction du temps de travail est une revendication de longue date pour améliorer notre qualité de vie. En passant moins de temps au travail, nous pourrions enfin reprendre notre souffle et consacrer plus de temps à nos relations sociales, aux tâches domestiques ou encore pour s’engager dans la communauté. Mais est-ce que notre travail nous comble et contribue au bien commun ? Julia Posca interroge notre rapport au travail, explore sa nature et envisage les voies à emprunter pour lui redonner un sens. À la dystopie dans laquelle nous nous enfonçons toujours un peu plus, nous pourrions opposer l’utopie du travail « démarchandisé, démocratisé et dépollué ». Une invitation à revoir l’organisation du travail pour qu’il réponde d’abord aux besoins les plus « authentiques » : assurer à tous et toutes une existence digne, entretenir des relations riches, léguer une vie bonne aux futures générations. »--Quatrième de couverture

The article reviews the book, "Frontiers of Feminism: Movements and Influences in Québec and Italy, 1960–1980," by Jacinthe Michaud.

In the decades following the Second World War, women from all walks of life became increasingly frustrated by the world around them. Drawing on long-standing political traditions, these women bound together to revolutionize social norms and contest gender inequality. In Montreal, women activists inspired by Red power, Black Power, and Quebec liberation, among other social movements, mounted a multifront campaign against social injustice. Countercurrents looks beyond the defining "waves" metaphor to write a new history of feminism that incorporates parallel social movements into the overarching narrative of the women's movement. Case studies compare and reflect on the histories of the Quebec Native Women's Association, the Congress of Black Women, the Front de libération des femmes du Québec, various Haitian women's organizations, and the Collectif des femmes immigrantes du Québec and the political work they did. Bringing to light previously overlooked archival and oral sources, Amanda Ricci introduces a new cast of characters to the history of feminism in Quebec. The book presents a unique portrait of the resurgence of feminist activism, demonstrating its deep roots in Indigenous and Black communities and a transnational scope with wide-ranging inspirations and preoccupations. Advancing cross-cultural perspectives on women's movements, Countercurrents looks to the history of women's activism in Montreal and finds new ways of defining feminist priorities and imagining feminist futures. -- Publisher's description

This article will present a case study of Cargill’s High River meatpacking plant operations to show how at crucial historical junctures racial capitalism shaped its working conditions and in so doing determined the spread of COVID-19. First, the Canadian meatpacking industry’s 1980s-era economic restructuring relocated and reorganized its workforce from a core to peripheral one, allowing for the low wage employment of many precarious workers; this restructuring enabled the Cargill company to gain overwhelming control of the meatpacking industry in Canada and to become a “choke point” in the supply chain. Second, Canadian immigration policy from 2006 to 2010 supported a marked increase in migrant workers to meet the labour market needs of business; this reconstituted the labour class to heighten their disposability. With these pieces in place, the Albertan provincial government could classify meatpackers as “essential workers” who worked even in the face of mass COVID infection in April through June 2020. Across this crucial historical period racial capitalism enabled the plant to circumvent public health interventions protecting workers through the onset of the pandemic. Political championing of business interests, enacted through legislative mechanisms, allowed for the exploitation of workers and consistently rendered workers personally responsible for their own health and safety, despite their lack of control over what exposed them to risk.

This fourth edition...offers a comprehensive introductory overview of Canada’s labour movement. The book explores why workers form unions; assesses their organization and democratic potential; examines issues related to collective bargaining, grievances and strike activity; charts the historical development of labour unions; and describes the gains unions have achieved for their members and all working people. This new and expanded edition also analyzes the challenges facing today’s labour movement as a result of COVID-19 and the strategies being developed to overcome them. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Justice at Work: The Rise of Economic and Racial Justice Coalitions in Cities," by Mark Doussar and Greg Schrock.

The article reviews the book, "Work and the Carceral State," by Jon Burnett.

Mitsue Sakamoto and Ralph MacLean have both suffered tremendous loss during WWII: Mitsue as a survivor of a Japanese Canadian internment camp, and Ralph as a prisoner in a Japanese POW camp. In order to rebuild their lives and their families after the war, Ralph and Mitsue must find the grace and generosity necessary to forgive those who have wronged them. Their paths eventually cross in 1968 when Mitsue's son and Ralph's daughter begin dating, and Ralph is invited to Mitsue's home for dinner.This soaring adaptation of Mark Sakamoto's award-winning memoir affirms the power of forgiveness and shows us that in our challenging times characterized by political divisiveness, xenophobia, and race hatred, the story of Mitsue and Ralph's personal triumphs over hatred, injustice, violence, and bigotry remains vitally relevant and urgently necessary. -- Publisher's Description

In the 1970s, women in Toronto created the Waitresses Action Committee to protest the introduction of a "differential" or lower minimum wage for wait staff serving alcohol. Their campaign was part of their broader feminist critique of women's exploitation and the gendered and sexualized nature of waitressing. Influenced by their origins in the Wages for Housework campaign, they stressed the linkages between women's unpaid work in the home and the workplace. Their campaign eschewed worksite organizing for an occupational mobilization outside of the established unions; they used petitions, publicity, and alliances with sympathizers to try to stop the rollback in their wages. They were successful in mobilizing support but not in altering the government's decision. Nonetheless, their spirited campaign publicized new feminist perspectives on women's gendered and sexualized labour, and it contributed to the ongoing labour feminist project of enhancing working-class women's equality, dignity, and economic autonomy. An analysis of their mobilization also helps to enrich and complicate our understanding of labour and socialist feminism in this period.

In this article, I will analyze the ways in which Brazilian workers are using social media to organize and mobilize. Although analysis of social media use has made great progress, in the case of worker movements it still needs further development. I will focus on the experience of Brazilian app-based delivery workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite their dispersion across the country, delivery workers were able to carry out two national strikes through intense use of WhatsApp, Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. Using qualitative analysis of posts from worker organizations on social media, it was possible to identify the challenges faced by these movements when using digital media. Social media helped solve some organizational and communication problems, while producing others that workers had to deal with.

L’intuition sociologique qui a orienté notre démarche de recherche se présente ainsi : pour saisir la trajectoire de l’histoire du syndicalisme en sol québécois, de son émergence à sa représentation actuelle, il importe de lier cette évolution au processus d’émergence et de transformation de la société civile. Afin de travailler cette intuition, nous avons revisité l’histoire du syndicalisme en nous concentrant sur ce que nous nommons « la filiation clérico-nationale », laquelle définit l’identité de la CSN. Ce travail s’avère essentiel pour nous permettre de compléter les analyses d’historiens sociaux et de sociologues des relations du travail en proposant une lecture sociologique nouvelle des périodisations existantes de l’histoire du syndicalisme québécois. Cette intuition nous demandera de qualifier l’évolution récente du syndicalisme québécois du fait qu’en contexte néolibéral, le répertoire d’action du partenariat social, défini à l’aube des années 1980, s’est essoufflé parce qu’il est non seulement soumis à rude épreuve, mais aussi parce qu’il peine à se renouveler. Sur ce point, des auteurs voient dans la baisse du taux de syndicalisation des personnes salariées des pays développés une preuve validant l’hypothèse d’un affaiblissement du syndicalisme. De plus, en sol québécois, malgré une stabilisation du taux de syndicalisation autour de 38%, les syndicats donnent l’impression d’avoir perdu de leur capacité d’être la composante de la société civile la plus représentative auprès du législateur québécois. En qualifiant l’évolution récente de la CSN, nous avons été en mesure de montrer qu’il y a eu recomposition de la centralité des capacités d’action d’une composante importante du mouvement syndical québécois. À partir d’une méthodologie partagée entre la recension d’écrits et l’analyse de contenu de documents de la CSN, nous répondrons aux questions centrales que nous nous sommes posées et validerons ou invaliderons nos hypothèses de travail. Notre thèse nous permettra de proposer une périodisation enrichie de l’action syndicale québécoise. Cette « nouvelle périodisation » apportera des précisions sociologiques aux périodisations historiques existantes. Elle le fera en fournissant des éclairages nouveaux sur les conditions d’émergence du syndicalisme, sur son évolution et surtout, elle abordera la période contemporaine correspondant aux quarante dernières années. De plus, en concentrant notre travail sur la filiation clérico-nationale, nous mettrons en lumière le caractère historique de la posture de concertation et de collaboration des organisations syndicales québécoises : de son émergence à son renouvellement actuel. Plus précisément, l’analyse des données que nous présenterons sur la période récente fournira des éléments clés pour saisir la particularité du syndicalisme québécois. Ce dernier se développe, selon notre lecture, de façon symbiotique. L’amorce de cette relation symbiotique est clairement apparue avec la première configuration développementale, laquelle prend naissance dans les années 1930 sous le leadership du haut clergé québécois. Depuis, cette relation symbiotique s’est maintenue et a été développée au fil des mises à niveau du modèle québécois de développement. De nos jours, elle prend une couleur particulière que nous avons qualifiée de partenariat social stratégique. Notre étude de la CSN illustrera comment les logiques d’actions de cette organisation sont partagées entre la collaboration avec le capital, l’État et des organisations de la société civile, tout en mobilisant, au besoin, la conflictualité. Nous montrerons comment, au fil des quarante dernières années, les discours de la CSN font état d’une relation ambidextre avec les grands secteurs institutionnels. Une relation qui est partagée entre collaboration et conflictualité tout en étant teintée de développementalisme. _____________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : CSN, histoire sociale, institutionnalisation, logique d’action, néolibéralisme, société civile, syndicalisme

This study examines the framing of temporary foreign workers (TFWs) and the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) within the context of Canadian political discourse. Through a qualitative content analysis of parliamentary speeches spanning from 2006 to 2022, it investigates how TFWs and the TFWP have been framed by members of three federal political parties: Conservatives, Liberals and the NDP. With an aim to understand influences on framing strategies, the analysis considers significant events such as the COVID-19 pandemic and a change in government. The findings highlight the significance of party ideology in shaping perspectives on TFWs and the TFWP, with all three parties recognizing the necessity of this group and program in achieving Canada’s economic goals. At the same time, despite their increasing significance in the economy, the study highlights the conditional inclusion of TFWs in Canada. Policymakers adapt their frames based on perceived contribution of these workers and their alignment with Canadian interests. This research illuminates the crucial role of framing in shaping policy outcomes regarding TFWs and the TFWP.

With the vast majority of healthcare and social workers identifying as women, the vanguard of the COVID-19 response was distinctly gendered. In Conscripted to Care, Julia Smith introduces us to the women who faced the worst effects of the pandemic and the inequities it exposed. Through clear prose and fascinating critical analysis, she documents their largely unseen contributions and sacrifices, both professionally and domestically. Drawing on interviews and focus groups with nearly 200 women from a range of backgrounds and occupations, Smith reveals how structural inequality put women on the frontlines of the pandemic response, yet with inadequate resources and little voice in decision-making. Women not only shouldered the triple burden of paid work, unpaid care, and mental load, but also increased emotional labour. While some women were categorized as "essential," others remained in the shadows--all faced unsustainable workloads, moral distress, and burnout, while continuing to demand better services for those in their care. An analysis of Canada's COVID-19 response from the perspective of those who staffed it, Conscripted to Care presents crucial lessons for those interested in public health and how it relates to gender and economic equality, as well as public policy. -- Publisher's description

The covid-19 pandemic severely disrupted the education system in Canada from March 2020 throughout the 2020–21 school year. It also had disproportionate secondary effects on women in terms of unpaid care, economic loss, and poor mental health. This article explores the lived experience of women educators in the province of Alberta, drawing on interviews and focus groups with 39 educators. Findings indicate that the pandemic not only exacerbated the triple burden that women educators, in particular, bear but added additional layers of responsibility related to public health management, educating children at home, elder care responsibilities, and emotional labour. The essential role women educators fulfilled within the covid-19 response, at work and at home, cost them time, professional development opportunities, mental wellness, and the positive rewards that had drawn them to the educational field. Current concerns around educator burnout and retention may be mitigated by acting on the recommendations of women educators regarding the development of more equitable education systems and social policy.

Le présent article soutient que la rétention du personnel demeure une priorité essentielle pour de nombreux employeurs, même si ces derniers deviennent de moins en moins enclins à offrir des emplois stables. La recherche a montré que, face à cette précarité croissante de l’emploi, les travailleurs adoptent des stratégies individuelles de progression professionnelle axées sur la mobilité entre entreprises, lesquelles viennent renforcer les inquiétudes des employeurs en ce qui concerne le roulement du personnel. Cet article défend l’importance pour les chercheurs en relations industrielles d’étudier de plus près les pratiques organisationnelles qui restreignent la mobilité des employés, c’est-à-dire les « stratégies de capture des travailleurs ». Celles-ci se distinguent des autres pratiques en matière de mobilité du fait qu’elles sont unilatérales et qu’elles visent une réduction du roulement du personnel sans nécessairement chercher à favoriser un sentiment d’engagement ou de loyauté chez les employés.

This paper argues that employee retention remains a key priority for many employers, even as they become less likely to offer stable employment. In the face of increased job insecurity, researchers have shown that workers have adopted personalized career progression strategies that emphasize inter-firm mobility. Such strategies heighten employer concerns about employee turnover. The paper argues that the industrial relations literature would gain from closer study of organizational practices that restrict employee mobility, i.e., “worker capture strategies.” Such practices stand out from other mobility-reducing ones because they are unilateral and aim to reduce turnover without necessarily fostering a sense of commitment or loyalty among employees.