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Defines business and social unionism. Argues that the distinction between the two is not air tight, rather they intermingle. However, social unionism is essential for global solidarity. A revised version of the essay published in the first edition (2012).

[The authors] explore the state of labour politics in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the one hand, they argue the pandemic created an unprecedented opening for organization labour to build broader forms of solidarity around class-wide demands for the expansion of universal social protections like paid sick days, universal public child care, basic income and pharmacare, and to integrate gender and racial justice into these demands in new and important ways. On the other hand, they make the case that the differential impact of of the pandemic on various sections of the working class saw some unions eschew more universal strategies in favour of a more politically expedient defensive unionism aimed at protecting a narrow community of interest from the negative effects of the pandemic. --From editor's introduction.

Discusses union-backed strategic voting (most often, endorsement of Liberal rather than NDP candidates) to defeat the Conservatives. Concludes that such campaigns have been divisive and do not advance the labour movement. A revised and expanded version of the essay published in the first edition (2012).

Examines the shifting currents of court decisions on labour rights in the Charter era. Concludes that labour's resort to the courts is primarily defensive and that victories, when they occur, are limited.

Defines the value-action gap (i.e., the disjuncture between word and deed) and explores the labour movement's mixed response to the environmental challenge in terms of this model. The conclusion urges labour to help foster a broad-based movment that would integrate environmental sustainability with economic equality and social justice. It also cautions against the embrace of green capitalism. A revised version of the essay in the first edition (2012).

Examines the legislative record of the governing conservative Saskatchewan Party on protecting the rights of migrants and immigrants in the context of business and labour market demands. Concludes that the province's legal regime stands well in comparison to other jurisdictions, although the government has at times also catered to anti-immigration populism, such as the Yellow Vest Canada movement.

Examines the anti-union legislative record of the Saskatchewan Party, which saw one of its core bills, prohibiting the right to strike in a broad range of public sector services, struck down by the Supreme Court. The court did, however, uphold a companion bill that undermined workers' ability to organize. Provides background on provincial labour regimes since the landmark Trade Union Act of 1944 that was passed by the CCF government of Tommy Douglas. Concludes that the Saskatchewan Party has done more than any previous conservative government to curtail the right of workers to organize and take job action.

Questions the commitment of organized labour to equity, inclusion and diversity, which in practice has been treated as a side show to the bread-and-butter issues. Argues that organized labour must make major internal structural changes to confront the problems of EDI that exist both internally and externally.

This chapter compares the historical development and use of criminal law at work in the United Kingdom and in Ontario, Canada. Specifically, it considers the use of the criminal law both in the master and servant regime as an instrument for disciplining the workforce and in factory legislation for protecting workers from unhealthy and unsafe working conditions, including exceedingly long hours work. Master and servant legislation that criminalized servant breaches of contract originated in the United Kingdom where it was widely used in the nineteenth century to discipline industrial workers. These laws were partially replicated in Ontario, where it had shallower roots and was used less aggressively. At the same time as the use of criminal law to enforce master and servant law was contested, legislatures in the United Kingdom and Ontario enacted protective factory acts limiting the length of the working day. However, these factory acts did not treat employer violations crimes; instead, they were treated as lesser ‘regulatory’ offences for which employers were rarely prosecuted.

Many women who lived through the Second World War believed it heralded new status and opportunities, but scholars have argued that very little changed. How can these interpretations be reconciled? Making the Best of It examines the ways in which gender and other identities intersected to shape the experiences of female Canadians and Newfoundlanders during the war. The contributors to this thoughtful collection consider mainstream and minority populations, girls and women, and different parts of Canada and Newfoundland. They reassess topics such as women's presence in the military and in munitions factories, and tackle entirely new subjects such as wartime girlhood in Quebec. Collectively, these essays broaden the scope of what we know about the changes the war wrought, and draw on diverse methodologies to address wider debates about memory, historiography, and feminism. Making the Best of It offers new insights into the impact of the Second World War and lays the foundation for a better understanding of the dramatic alterations that occurred in the lives of women and girls in Canada after the 1940s. -- Publisher's description

[This book] details the Canadian Left's promotion of colonial policies and nationalist myths. Yves Engler...outlines the NDP's and labour unions' role in confusing Canadians. From Korea to Libya, Canada's major left-wing political party has backed unjust wars; Canadian unions supported the creation of NATO, the Korean War, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, the Bay of Pigs invasion and the coup in Haiti. Left, Right also shows how prominent Left commentators concede a great deal to the dominant ideology. Whether it's Linda McQuaig turning Lester Pearson into an anti-US peacenik, Stephen Lewis praising Canada's role in Africa, or others mindlessly demanding more so-called peacekeeping, Left intellectuals regularly undermine the building of a just foreign policy. Left nationalist ideology, both Canadian and Quebecois, has warped the foreign policy discussion; viewing their country as a semi-colony struggling for its independence has blinded progressives to a long history of supporting empire and advancing corporate interests abroad. Even many victims of Canadian colonialism among indigenous communities have succumbed to the siren song of supporting imperialism. Finally, Left, Right suggests some ways to get the Left working for an ecologically sound, peace-promoting, non-exploitative foreign policy that does no harm and treats others the way we wish to be treated. --Publisher's description

In this chapter, we bring together narratives elicited by Tracy [Gregory], whose graduate work as a peer researcher with strip club dancers in Northern Ontario contributes the bulk of the data, and the contributions of Jennifer [Johnson] - a former committee member for Tracy's graduate research and later a supporter of Tracy's continued work in establishing the Sex Workers Advisory Network of Sudbury (SWANS). Together, we apply the insights of feminist geography and sex-work-informed thinking to the issues of spatial awareness and relations of power described by the participants in the study. --From Authors' Introduction

"Regulating Strikes in Essential Services" offers a comparative perspective on one of the most sensitive areas of industrial relations: strike in essential services. Designing a fair, effective and acceptable regime that will reconcile public interest and the public's need for an uninterrupted flow of essential services on the one hand, while maintaining the freedom of collective bargaining on the other, is an ever more difficult public policy challenge. This book, the first detailed analysis of existing legal and practical approaches across a spectrum of key national jurisdictions, provides a structured and insightful overview of the law and practice of regulating strikes in essential services. As such it could be of great value for public policy debate and the enhancement of national law in the field. --Publisher's description

Examines anti-unionism in professional sport through a case study of ongoing efforts to organize players in the Canadian Hockey League, the world's largest development hockey league.

This chapter examines the campaign to unionize one workplace within [an] organizing wave: VICE Canada, a subset of VICE media, a privately held business who’s youth oriented properties spend a range of news and culture websites a magazine and advertising agency to TV channels and a record label. --Authors

This chapter explores the consequences of a particular set of management strategies deployed at John Deere Welland Works plant between 1998 and 2009. This chapter examines the interplay of tiered pay systems with team bonus incentives in the context of seniority-based bidding for jobs. This case study demonstrates how these management strategies foster divisions and dissension among the workers creating a legacy of inequality and strong undercurrent of anti-union sentiment among unionize workers at the plant. --Authors

This chapter draws upon research conducted on retail work from 2009 to 2016 and it highlights the most significant patterns and findings about union avoidance and how anti-unionism is manifested in retail stores on an ongoing basis and in organizing attempts. --Author

Over the past few decades, the impact and influence of the media have grown to exceed any other source of public opinion. Union density has steeply declined during this same time period, so the public perception of unions has been increasingly derived from highly selective representations in the media rather than direct experience. This chapter analyzes the increasing influence of the media on the labour movement and provides insight into how unions can ensure that they are represented fairly in the media.

This chapter explores the relationship between the social organization of migrant workers’ unfreedom through the conditionality of legal status and how the creation and deployment of precarious migrant labour regulates national labour markets. It begins by drawing the connections between neoliberal labour regimes, immigration controls, and the exploitation of migrant workers. It shows how precarious migrant status is linked to precarious employment, and how the categories of “foreigner” and “citizen” are used to justify the unfreedom and hyper-exploitation of migrant workers. Focusing on “low-skilled” occupations within the food services sector in which precarious (low-paid and insecure) jobs predominate, this chapter then describes the “low-skilled” (since October 2014 called “low-wage”) stream of the Temporary Foreign Worker Program, its growth, the “public” reaction to foreigners taking Canadian jobs, and the government’s response to this controversy.