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Originally published as a monograph in the International encyclopedia of labour law and industrial relations; Includes bibliographical references (page 52) and index

This study of CAIMAW's history attempts to explain why some Canadians in recent times have abandoned international unions to found and develop an independent Canadian union, to determine whether such an independent union is identifiably different from those unions traditionally operating in Canada, and to identify the factors that operate in favour and mitigate against the success of Canadians in their attempt to create and develop such a union. Personal interviews with the major figures related to this study comprise an essential source of information. Due to the cooperation extended by CAIMAW, a search of union files was conducted and constitutions, pamphlets, correspondence, newspaper articles, union publications and other relevant documents were examined. Published sources provided secondary information for the majority of this paper. A societal mood in the 1960's of labour militancy, uncertainty arising from adaptation to change, a desire for Canadian self-assertion, and a corresponding resentment of American influence in Canadian affairs combined to set the stage for the formation of breakaway independent Canadian unions in Winnipeg and Vancouver. Lack of control over their own affairs and the imposition on the membership of unpopular union decisions by international officers created unrest among these Winnipeg and Vancouver workers, and a demand for greater membership decision making authority. Refusal by the international unions involved to respond to this demand resulted in a coalition of union dissidents and nationalists in a common cause, the rejection of their international unions and the founding of their own, independent national unions. The merger of the Winnipeg and Vancouver breakaway unions gave rise to a constitutional battle seated in philosophical differences with overtones of regionalism. It was a struggle between business unionism and social unionism, and a corresponding struggle between centralized authority and local autonomy. The resolution of this struggle in the rejection of business unionism and centralized authority laid the foundations for the policies and practices of CAIMAW as it operates today. These policies and practices make CAIMAW a union that is identifiably different from traditional international unions in terms of greater decision-making power for the rank and file, different methods of bargaining, and a different organizational structure. These differences do not, however, appear to have hindered CAIMAW's ability to win benefits for its membership that are at least comparable to those won by international unions. An independent union such as CAIMAW faces difficulties in its formation and development due to the established place of international unions in Canadian labour institutions. But weaknesses within these institutions such as interunion and intraunion divisions have allowed CAIMAW to survive and, indeed, grow. CAIMAW can draw support from union dissidents, nationalists and socialists of the New Left, groups which traditional labour institutions in Canada have failed to accommodate. To the extent that a society creates institutions in accordance with its needs, there exists an important place for CAIMAW in Canada.

This article reviews the book, "The Modern School Movement: Anarchism and Education in the United States," by Paul Avrich.

Introduces a recently discovered 1907 letter at the Public Archives of Canada that is a significant primary source on the Toronto printers' strike of 1872. The letter was written by John Armstrong — a leader of the Toronto Typographical Union who later became president of the International Typographical Union — to Toronto lawyer Edmund Bristol.

Introduces the reminiscences of printer Timothy J. Ryan, an itinerant member of the International Typographical Union who, in 1913-14, travelled from Newfoundland across Canada as well as the Pacific Northwest with the support of union locals and members.

This book, published in 1979, was the first book about sexual harassment to be published in Canada, and the second in North America. Quotation from the inside flap: If you thought women have finally become more accepted as real people with readier access to the conclaves of corporate power, read this book - you'll think again. Using statistical studies, interviews with executives and personnel managers, case studies, historical records, and court cases, Constance Backhouse and Leah Cohen show how pervasive sexual harassment is in the workplace. The authors provide us with a balanced and incisive understanding of what goes on. They also recommend ways to combat sexual harassment. Since this subject has till now been unexplored, avoided, and rife with myths and misinformation, this book is all the more important to our society. -- Author's website

The author examines the questions whether the measurement of productivity is a significant issue in collective bargaining and whether productivity is a primary déterminant ofthe levels of earnings.

This article reviews the book, "Normes et déclarations de principes intéressant particulièrement les travailleuses," by B.I.T.

This article reviews the book, "Rapport de la Commission d’experts pour l’application des conventions et recommandations," by Conférence internationale du travail. This article reviews the book, "Âge minimum," by Conférence internationale du travail.

This article reviews the book, "Rapport de la Commission d’experts pour l’application des conventions et recommandations," by Conférence internationale du travail. This article reviews the book, "Travailleurs migrants," by Conférence internationale du travail.

The article reviews and comments on "Luttes de classes et question nationale au Québec 1948-1968," by Roch Denis, "The Québec Establishment: The Ruling Class and the State," 2nd revised edition, by Pierre Foumier, and "QUÉBEC and the Parti Québécois," Pauline Vaillancourt, guest editor.

Cet article cet propose de faire l'historique du conflit en insistant prioritairement sur les grévistes et les syndicats chargés de défendre leurs intérêts. Embourbés dans un dédale judiciaire, les mineurs, les Métallos et la FTQ devront répliquer à l'antisyndicalisme primaire de la Gaspé Copper Mines, forte de l'appui indéfectible du gouvernement Duplessis et de sa police provinciale. Outre le rappel des événements, l'article analyse les répercussions de la grève sur l'opinion publique québécoise, qui s'avérera plutôt tiède à l'endroit des grévistes. Il accorde une attention particulière aux réactions du mouvement syndical et à l'élaboration d'une action unitaire CTCC-FTQ. L'article démontre que ce front commun était nécessaire pour renverser le rapport de force en faveur des mineurs, tout en décelant des retards dans sa mise en branle. Aussi, cette action commune ne peut exercer quelque influence sur le dénouement du conflit en dépit de possibilités certaines. L'échec de la grève de Murdochville n'est donc qu'en partie imputable à l'ampleur de la répression patronale et gouvernementale. À l'intérieur même du mouvement syndical, une part de responsabilité revient à la FTQ, dont la très récente fondation n'a pas permis de résoudre certaines faiblesses structurelles nuisibles à l'établissement d'un vaste mouvement de solidarité.

This article reviews the book, "La démocratie industrielle / The Industrial Democracy," by Marcel Côté et Vasile Téga.

This article reviews the book, "TUC: The Growth of a Pressure Group 1868-1976," by Ross M. Martin.

This article reviews the book, "Worker Participation : Sucess and Problems," by Hem C. Jain.

This article reviews the book, "Le psychologue et l’entreprise," by C. Levy-Leboyer.

This article reviews the book, "Organisations sociales et comportements," by Jean M. Guiot.

This article reviews the book, "Techniques et politiques d’amélioration des conditions de travail," by Claude Péganiol.

This is an analysis of the concept of working-class culture as applied by some practitioners of the new labour history in Canada. The article begins with a comparison of the approach of traditional labour history to that of the "new" labour history and asserts that there are significant differences in philosophy and lesser differences in methodology. A brief examination of the concept of working-class culture and how it is to be utilized by historians follows. The validity of using such a general framework is questioned in a close examination of recent major works of the new labour history genre. A conclusion is offered that these works show that the application of general principles is a tricky business because, although factual evidence appears at times to support the idea that working-class culture was an important determinant, at other times it does not. The article concludes by questioning the assumption that there is any "best" way of approaching the study of social history; that to assert that history must be studied "from the bottom up" is as predeterministic as the notion that it should be studied "from the top down." Prejudice and a priori assumption plagues all historians.