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In April 2017, more than 100 people gathered at the Halifax North Memorial Library for the official launch of the Lynn Jones African-Canadian and Diaspora Heritage Collection, housed at Saint Mary's University. ...This is a personal archive whose creation was an intentional act. At the tender age of eight, Lynn Jones began cutting out articles from the Truro newspaper, preserving stories pertaining to Black life in Nova Scotia and around the world. One of ten children, Lynn kept busy documenting the many activities of generations of the Jones family, from those who fought with the Black Battalion in World War I to those active today. Along the way, she added numerous documents – many of them not found elsewhere – and correspondence related to organizations such as the Black Working Group and the Public Service Alliance of Canada (psac) and individuals like Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael). The result is eighteen boxes, with talk of more to come. While the collection stretches from the 1960s to the 2010s, the bulk of material pertains to the 1980s and 1990s. -- Introduction

Disputes over the meaning of human trafficking, forced labour and modern slavery have both provoked and coincided with a reinvigorated debate in academic and policy literatures about how to conceptualise unfree labour. This article traces the contours of the debate over free and unfree labour, identifying its key stakes as the debate has developed and paying particular attention to recent interventions. It begins by identifying a problem common to both canonical liberal and Marxian approaches to the free/unfree labour distinction, which is to fetishise the labour market. It then discusses the consensus that is emerging across disciplines and in leading international organisations that labour unfreedom in contemporary capitalism is best conceptualised as a continuum rather than a binary, highlighting recent disciplinary-specific contributions. It argues that the metaphor of a continuum of labour unfreedom obscures more than it illuminates. Drawing upon the growing body of literature that advocates a multifaceted approach to labour unfreedom, this article argues that a robust concept of local labour control regime does a much better job of capturing the complex mix of consent and coercion involved in extracting value from labour power than the idea of a continuum of labour unfreedom.

This report presents an analysis of key findings from a survey completed by gym and fitness club workers in Ontario over several weeks in February and March 2019. The survey data, which is both quantitative and qualitative, offers important insights into gym and fitness club work, including levels of job satisfaction, opinions about fairness and respect at work, impressions of relationships between workers, clients, and supervisors, and views about how best to improve working conditions in the industry. -- From Summary

The early 1930s were marked by considerable labour unrest in Canada. Over this period, workers developed new, more expansive forms of trade unionism, as well as new tactics such as sit-down strikes and flying pickets. In the context of the great depression, this unrest was not only evident in the country’s factories, mines, and ports; workers and their unions also began organizing outside of these traditional workplaces. Perhaps most famously, this organizing included unemployed workers and those toiling in Canada’s relief camps. Less well known, however, are the ways in which Canadian prisoners participated in this labour upsurge, adopting trade union tactics to suit their particular situations, and demanding improved conditions, political representation, and wages. --Introduction

The 1919 Winnipeg General Strike remains an unparalleled moment of solidarity among canadian workers.

This May, Canada marks the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike, when tens of thousands of people walked off their jobs in sympathy and solidarity with building and metal trades workers whose employers were refusing to bargain for fair wages and working conditions.Though the strike failed in its immediate goals, the example it set reverberated across the country and the world, inspiring political upheaval at all levels in Canada, and ultimately transforming the balance of power between workers and the bosses for many generations. In this issue of the Monitor we consider the value of direct action and solidarity strikes in a new era of retrenching labour rights, out-of-control inequality and conservative backlash. “Workers can make great gains by withdrawing their labour power. But they also risk a lot,” writes the Graphic History Collective in their introduction to our special feature on the strike. “The stakes in class struggle are high.” True. But so are the costs of not acting. Today, as it was 100 years ago, we must continually fight for fair pay and good jobs for everyone—or be prepared to live in a world where neither exists for anyone. --Introduction. Contents: Direct Action Gets the Goods! A printable timeline of Canadian strikes from the Graphic History Collective -- 1919: Causes and Consequences: Paul Moist recounts the organizing that went into the strike and its legacy -- 100 years on.Women, rights and work—from 1919 to the #MeToo movement: Molly McCracken interviews Julie Guard on labour's need to organize more female workers  -- The year labour makes history: Learning from failures like the Winnipeg General Strike and Kirkland Lake organization drive can strengthen the movement for true worker democracy, writes Jon Weier -- Work Life: Canada's "yellow vest" movement needs more gilets jaunes, writes Lynne Fernandez in her latest column -- Frontlines of the class: We all win when teachers strike. But, as Erika Shaker argues, parents, children and communities need to see themselves in the struggle -- Striking for survival: The right to strike in Canada is under attack and back-to-work legislation now commonplace Bruno Dobrusin calls on workers to embrace the mass walkout, both legal and illegal, as a tool for social change -- Lessons in South Korean protest culture: President Moon is backsliding on important labour reforms, but workers continue to resist in innovative ways, writes Zaee Desphande.

[This report is] based on interviews we conducted with 11 workers from the Chinese and Eritrean communities. The report details the migration and work stories of newcomer workers in this industry, as well as their concerns, hopes and dreams. OHC has made 21 recommendations in this report to improve the health and well-being of newcomer workers in the food processing industry. --MFL Occupational Health Centre website

Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose participatory structures, direct action strategy, and broader class focus have achieved considerable successes, despite tensions with union leaders wary of potential “dual unionism.” We also discuss how the TAWC provides a space for socialist-led workplace organizing training and political education by the Toronto Labour Committee. Finally, we explore the possible roles of this council model in labor movement renewal and labor education in socialist movement renewal.

[This six-part] research project on 'work-related mobility' examines how our jobs affect 21st century life. Some people now find it desirable – or even necessary – to work from home. Others are expected to spend more time travelling to and from the workplace than they actually spend doing their job. How do changes in the way we work affect every other aspect of 21st century life? Seven years ago, a large group of interdisciplinary scholars from all parts of Canada (and beyond) began researching 'work-related mobility' with a project called the On the Move Partnership. Paul Kennedy was there from the beginning creating documentaries based on the research. As the project nears completion, Paul speaks to the participants about their conclusions in this final episode of On The Move. --Website description. Contents: On the move: Commuting, work, life (Paul Kennedy, with support from Angèle Smith, Tracey Friedel, Sara Dorow, Emma Jackson, Dalia Gesualdi-Fecteau, Shiva Nourpanah and Nicole Power. (Feb. 27, 2019)) (53:59) -- On the move: Montreal's Little Burgundy (Paul Kennedy, with support from Steven High. (May 25, 2018)) (53:59) -- Commute from hell [Toronto] (Paul Kennedy, with support from Stephanie Premji. (Jan. 9, 2017) (53:59) -- On the move from Bell Island [Newfoundland]: Crossing the tickle (Paul Kennedy, with support from Sharon Roseman and Diane Royal (Dec. 4, 2015)) (54:00) -- On the move with truckers [Prince Edward Island] (Paul Kennedy, with support from Natasha Hanson. (Oct. 9, 2014)) (54:00) -- On the move to Fort MacMurray (Paul Kennedy, with support from Sara Dorow (Nov. 22, 2013) (53:59).

Describes labour unrest of internees in Fort Henry and Kaspuskasing during the First World War.

Prenant conscience des effets délétères des stratégies traditionnelles de mise à l’écart des travailleurs âgés, les pouvoirs publics promeuvent aujourd’hui leur maintien en emploi. Afin de comprendre comment et dans quelles conditions cet objectif politique se traduit ou non en pratiques concrètes dans les milieux de travail, l’article propose une grille d’analyse, inspirée de l’analyse sociétale, permettant de comprendre les attitudes des entreprises et des travailleurs vis-à-vis le maintien en emploi des séniors. L’article met ensuite cette grille à l’épreuve en étudiant les pratiques de deux entreprises de commerce de détail, l’une en France et l’autre au Québec, autour de quatre espaces d’interprétation : institutionnel, du dialogue social, marchand et organisationnel.

The article reviews the book, "Private Government: How Employers Rule our Lives and Why We Don’t Talk about It," by Elizabeth Anderson.

The purpose of this research was to describe oilfield workers in the Moose Mountain Provincial Park area in southeastern Saskatchewan views on climate change. This qualitative study, inspired by Grounded Theory, utilized fifteen, semi-structured interviews to analyze participants’ perspectives and experiences. For this research, climate change means, “a change of climate which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity and which is in addition to natural climate variability” (IPCC, 2014). This study has three main findings. First, participants have robust “sense of place” attachment that fosters environmental stewardship toward the Moose Mountain area. Second, participants hold conflicted understandings of climate change that alternate between the adoption of climate skepticism and acceptance of scientific consensus regarding anthropogenic climate change. Finally, this study demonstrates the importance of engaging in conversations with oil workers to facilitate a pluralistic narrative and navigate multiple worldviews to create understanding of a controversial topic in Saskatchewan.

Des travaux récents en analyse institutionnelle ont souligné le rôle charnière des acteurs dans le changement institutionnel, notamment le pouvoir de l’acteur syndical à renouveler les institutions du travail. Ces recherches ont fait ressortir les trois aspects suivants : 1-l’agentivité, en réponse à la question de lareprésentation des syndiqués, notamment la construction d’une identité des travailleurs au-delà du milieu de travail; 2- la formation d’une large coalition au-delà des acteurs tripartites des relations de travail; et, enfin, 3-l’élargissement des répertoires d’action au-delà des frontières des entreprises et des contextes nationaux. Toutefois, contrairement à cette perspective sur l’agentivité qui dépendait autrefois des mécanismes de la démocratie industrielle, cet article montre que des contraintes structurelles peuvent restreindre, voire empêcher, la capacité stratégique des acteurs locaux à renouveler la règle en cet ère néolibéral de mondialisation de l’économie. À partir de deux études de cas menées dans deux usines de première transformation au Québec —l’une appartenant à une entreprise multinationalecanadienne, l’autre étant américaine —, cet article analyse comment les acteurs locaux, dans un contexte néolibéral de changement institutionnel, négocient la flexibilisation de l’emploi et la sécurité des travailleurs. Les résultats des négociations entreprises par les acteurs locaux, dans un cas, une négociation menée « le dos au mur », et, dans l’autre, « le fusil sur la tempe », montrent que l’issue du processus est tributaire de facteurs externes hors de la portée des acteurs locaux. L’agentivité a buté contre les impératifs économiques du marché, les politiques étatiques de dérégulation de l’emploi et l’intransigeance des maisons-mères concernant l’avantage compétitif des filiales. Dans l’usine américaine, ils ont déplacé l’ancienne règle des accords collectifs pour y substituer une nouvelle entente davantage axée sur les exigences du marché libéral. Dans l’usine canadienne, ils ont stratifié les accords collectifs, ajoutant une nouvelle entente (de facture inférieure à l’ancienne) basée sur le statut d’emploi et qui oppose les permanents aux contractuels. Dans les deux cas, des conditions structurelles ont limité la marge de manoeuvre desacteurs locaux, avec des conséquences néfastes sur les travailleurs périphériques de l’entreprise flexible.

The article reviews the book, "Power, Politics, and Principle: Mackenzie King and Labour, 1935–1948," by Taylor Hollander.

The most important primary document from the Winnipeg General Strike now back in print with a new introduction on the occasion of the strike's 100th anniversary On May 15, 1919 workers from across Winnipeg, ranging from metal workers to telephone operators, united to spark the largest worker revolt in Canadian history. Even the Winnipeg police voted to join the strike, although they remained on duty at the request of the strike committee in order to prevent martial law. Approximately 30,000 workers walked off the job over the next six weeks, and the city was overtaken by lively demonstrations and marches in what the media, the city's leaders, and the federal government called a "Bolshevik uprising." The clash ended violently when RCMP on horseback charged and shot into a crowd of striking workers resulting in deaths, beatings, and arrests. The strike was called off and workers returned to their jobs without having earned the rights to higher wages and collective bargaining. Following the strike, union leaders published this account of the events leading up to and during the strike. Their volume is the most significant primary source describing the workers' experience of the strike. This book offers the full document in its original format along with an introduction to the 1974 edition by labour historian and activist Norman Penner. His essay has had a major impact on later research. This volume also includes a new introduction by historian Christo Aivalis discussing how the lessons learned in 1919 remain relevant today. Also included in this book are the key documentary photographs of strike events, including a minute-by-minute sequence showing the final RCMP fatal assault on the strikers. --Publisher's description

No government jurisdiction in Canada has so radically transformed its public policies over the past decades as Ontario, and yet the province has also maintained a striking degree of political stability in its party system. Since the 1990s, neoliberalism has been the point of reference in constructing policy agendas for all of Ontario's political parties. It has guided the strategy for governance of the dominant Liberal Party since 2003, even as it divides the province between workers and employers, north and south, rural and urban, and racialized minorities and the majority population. With a focus on the governments of Mike Harris, Dalton McGuinty, and Kathleen Wynne, Divided Province brings together leading researchers to dissect the province's public policies since the 1990s. Presenting original, state-of-the-art research, the book demonstrates that, although the Conservative government of Mike Harris implemented the sharpest and most profound shift towards the establishment of a neoliberal regime in the province, the subsequent Liberal governments consolidated that neoliberal turn. The essays in this volume explore the consequences of this ideological turn across a spectrum of policies, including health, education, poverty, energy, employment, manufacturing, and how it has impacted workers, women, First Nations, and other distinct communities. The first book to offer a comprehensive critical account of neoliberalism in Ontario, Divided Province overturns conventional readings of the province's politics and suggests that building a more democratic and egalitarian alternative to the current orthodoxy requires nothing less than a radical rupture from existing policies and political alliances. Without such a decisive break, political space may well open up again for the populist right. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the books, "Craft and the Creative Economy ," by Susan Luckman, and "The Creativity Hoax: Precarious Work in the Gig Economy," by George Morgan and Pariece Nelligan.

Despite a large body of research exploring the experiences of working mothers today, there is little literature focusing on mothers who take part in stigmatized and unconventional forms of paid labour. Taking up this line of inquiry, my MA thesis project explores both micro and macro-level understandings of the narrated experiences of four women in Canada, who are both mothers and exotic dancers, with the overarching question: ‘how do these women navigate and negotiate their socially constructed identities and practices as both mothers and sex workers?’. This thesis is informed by feminist methodologies and a broad array of literatures on social reproduction, social surveillance of mothering practices, the intensification of mothering, women working in the sex industry, and occupational stigma of exotic dancing. My research consisted of four semi-structured phone interviews with women in Canada (all in the province of Ontario) who have (either currently or in the past) navigated both roles of mothering and stripping simultaneously. Through my interviews, I explored how the women in my study negotiated the work of social reproduction, the forms of support they had access to, and the barriers they have faced. My findings illuminate that due to limited access to affordable services in Canada, the mothers I interviewed rely on informal assistance from their key supports to provide necessary care work that the mothers could not fulfill due to the responsibilities of their paid work. Mothers also stress the necessity of managing their occupational stigma to comply with dominant ideologies of maternal caregiving by constructing personal communities and adopting techniques of secrecy and trust in order to enhance their ability to combine paid work and unpaid care. Overall my MA thesis offers insight into experiences, supports, and constraints that women face as they navigate the demands of paid labour, domestic work and unpaid caregiving in stigmatized and precarious conditions.