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The loss of manufacturing jobs is an ongoing challenge for organized labour in Canada and a trend that has been happening for several decades. The loss of full-time, unionized factory work in Canada is commonly thought to have started in the 1990s or 2000s, but the possibility of deindustrialization was already evident in the late 1960s. This article examines the closure of the Kelvinator of Canada plant in London, Ontario, in 1969. That closure illustrates the impact of industrial job loss on workers during a period when Canada’s economy was prosperous and its manufacturing sector was robust. This analysis also reveals how a branch plant opened and expanded in Canada, and why it closed. Appliance manufacturing has never been as prominent in discussions of industrial job loss as other sectors, like automotive, but the Kelvinator closure reveals, over 55 years after it happened, that losing the London plant had a lasting impact on workers and their community while serving as a harbinger of future deindustrialization.

This article presents the results of a quantitative study conducted on 711 managers exploring the relationship between diversity climate and the expression of authentic leadership. Through a moderated mediation model, we highlight the role of the masculine stereotype of the high-performing leader. The results confirm the positive relationship between diversity climate and authentic leadership, and they also reveal that diversity climate contributes to the expression of authentic leadership by significantly reducing the masculine stereotype of the high-performing leader, particularly for male respondents. Our findings thus contribute to a better understanding of the mechanism by which diversity climate influences leadership behaviours, especially among leaders. Practically, they invite organizations wishing to develop the authentic leadership of their managers to focus DEI policy efforts not only on gender stereotypes but also on transforming leader stereotypes and leadership culture.

The article reviews the book, "Fight Like Hell: The Untold Story of American Labor," by Kim Kelly.

Despite achieving substantial contract gains, including significant wage increases, the 2023 pattern agreement reached between Unifor—Canada’s largest private sector union—and Detroit Three automakers was met with mixed reactions from union members, with particularly low support from skilled trades and more senior members. This study reveals how intra-union dynamics were shaped by shifting socioeconomic conditions, comparisons with the United Auto Workers, differences between production and skilled trades members, generational tensions, and leadership conflicts intertwined with strike dynamics. These factors influenced bargaining expectations and union strategy. The findings suggest that intra-union tensions weakened member solidarity and support for the historically strong pattern agreement, highlighting the complex interplay between external pressures and internal union dynamics in collective bargaining.

This article explores the impact of union endorsements on the voting intentions of union members in Canada. Through a survey of union members, the study reveals that while union endorsements generally do not significantly influence voting behaviour, satisfaction with one’s union enhances the likelihood of supporting union-endorsed candidates in federal, provincial, and local elections. This correlation underscores that having strongly supported unions in the workplace helps to build strong unions in the political arena with improved capacity to deliver union members’ votes. The findings also provide a basis for further research on the potential electoral significance of union endorsements.

Return to work (RTW) after injury requires strong stakeholder coordination. Seafaring work is associated with high injury rates, but seafarers’ RTW is understudied. As federally regulated workers, Canadian seafarers are protected by the Canadian Human Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination based on disability. Following a work-related injury or illness, seafarers are eligible for provincial workers’ compensation benefits and RTW; however, RTW is also subject to federal regulations, including the requirement to have a valid marine medical certificate (MMC). This complex regulatory landscape may negatively influence seafarer RTW. Drawing upon a sociolegal study, we find that MMC-related human rights complaints against the federal government highlight the legal challenges seafarers face in the RTW process. Interview findings suggest that to ensure a valid MMC and employment eligibility, injured seafarers might avoid filing compensation claims or RTW before recovery. We recommend the federal-provincial agencies adopt more efficient coordination policies to support seafarers’ RTW.

This article critically assesses the systems that structure unpaid care work for people with intellectual disabilities, with a focus on the role of siblings. We provide a preliminary analysis of this current trend in unpaid care work in the province of Ontario, Canada, addressing practices that are a) built upon a devaluation of people with intellectual disabilities, and that b) deny them choice in who provides them care. We combine existing evidence with relevant survey data to assess the risks associated with what we characterize as coercive care, as well as the many tensions that arise between self-advocacy and family-led advocacy initiatives. We interrogate the assumption that the role of siblings, and women in particular, is to take over unpaid care roles from parents. We also suggest how the current socioeconomic context of many individuals and families can limit opportunities for adopting potential solutions and propose practical avenues for future research. Throughout our analysis, we centre questions of agency and self-direction, pointing to the clash of values and inequitable outcomes that makes dominant support arrangements untenable. We conclude by drawing an ideal scenario of the publicly funded supports and services to which people with intellectual disabilities should be entitled and outline the many implications attached to this proposed model.

The relationship between differential inclusion of workers migrating for employment internationally and the dispossession and assimilation of Indigenous people and lands is a growing area of study within critical migration studies. Less attention has been paid, however, to how (im)migration policies that foster migrant worker precariousness also extend settler colonial practices. Scholars situated in the transdisciplinary fields of Black Studies and Indigenous Studies have long theorized nation-state building as exclusionary to Black and Indigenous life, and reliant on limited mobilities and dispossession of Black and Indigenous peoples. Bridging this scholarship with critical migration studies, in this article we explore how policies regulating international migration for employment to Canada on temporary bases reflect and sustain the settler-colonial context in which they operate. We outline three logics of settler colonialism that underpin policies governing temporary migration for employment to Canada: (1) the racialized hierarchization of life and knowledge; (2) the reliance on technologies of governing, which foster unequal administrative burdens; and (3) the disruption of people’s relationships to land and livelihoods. Analyzing Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program and International Education Strategy, we illustrate how migration policies reinforce and replicate settler colonial practices.

The evolution of the protection of collective bargaining rights in Canada has been marked by a tension between freedom of association (section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, “the Charter”) and equality (section 15(1) of the Charter). In most cases before the Supreme Court of Canada (“the SCC”), the SCC has examined both rights separately. More recently, the SCC has treated equality as a value (rather than a right), using the value of equality to inform its interpretation of freedom of association. Both these approaches (the “Siloed Approach” and the “Charter Values” approach) fail to fully examine how equality and freedom of association exist bidirectionally. This article uses a 2008 case from the Quebec Superior Court as a case study of how equality can inform our understanding of association and how association can remedy inequality.

In this article, we aim to shed light on the multiple levels of resilience, i.e., the ability to withstand or bounce back from difficulties individually and collectively, and how these levels interact in the case of entrepreneurs with disabilities. The aim is to determine the patterns and processes in the complex dynamics between the three levels of resilience—individual, entrepreneurial and organizational—which the literature describes as important, but without clearly elucidating how they interrelate. This question is crucial: resilience appears to be an essential capability for individuals and organizations alike in an unprecedentedly complex, challenging and uncertain environment. We interviewed twenty entrepreneurs with disabilities in France and found that individual resilience translates into entrepreneurial resilience, which in turn strengthens organizational resilience, via identified characteristics, e.g., anticipation, adaptation and empathy. Entrepreneurial resilience may also feed back into individual resilience, thereby strengthening control, self-efficacy and identity. Capabilities for resilience can be assisted at each level by resilience tutors through emotional, financial or professional support. Because people with disabilities have to develop significant individual resilience capabilities, they may become resilient entrepreneurs who foster resilience and inclusion in their organizations.

As climate change accelerates, extreme heat is becoming a critical occupational hazard across Canada. Yet worker protections remain fragmented, reactive, and highly uneven across sectors and provinces. This article offers a socio-legal analysis of how heat stress is governed through regulation, collective bargaining, and emerging private governance mechanisms. Drawing on a review of federal and provincial occupational health and safety statutes, a content analysis of over 50,000 collective bargaining agreements, and an assessment of ESG disclosures, Global Framework Agreements, and Worker-Driven Social Responsibility models, the study maps Canada’s evolving approach to heat protection. It finds that CBA coverage remains minimal and concentrated in a small number of unionized manufacturing settings, particularly in Ontario. While Ontario demonstrates the potential for a more coordinated model—especially if proposed legislation complements negotiated protections—the province’s current framework remains limited in scope and sectoral reach. The article argues that effective heat governance will require hybrid coordination across statutory, contractual, and voluntary domains, supported by technology, institutional linkages, and adaptive worker voice. It concludes by outlining an integrated framework for climate-era labour protection grounded in enforceable rights, dynamic bargaining, and transparent corporate accountability.

Electric micromobilities (EMMs), including electric bikes, standup kick-style electric scooters, and electric unicycles are highly efficient and low impact modes for urban food delivery. However, the mobility they and their associated algorithmic platforms afford is implicated in a set of work practices and relations that reinforce precarious employment outcomes. Our interviews, observational and autoethnographic research in Vancouver, Canada, revealed that food delivery platforms promise flexibility and high earnings while motivating workers to toil for variable and low wages and engage in high-risk behaviour. We focused on food delivery workers using EMMs because barriers to accessing an EMM are lower than for a car, while affording greater mobility on congested city streets, incurring no parking fees, and delivering zero emission operation. However, ostensibly low financial barriers to entry mask the requirement for considerable knowledge of, and navigational skills within, the physical and virtual environments that workers must master to resist the control exercised by platforms (apps) in an intensely competitive playing field. App-based food delivery using EMMs implicates workers in a game that requires upfront investment, skill and the navigation of risk. It is a stacked game, in which mostly the house wins.

The article reviews the book, "Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of US Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade," by Jeff Schuhrke.

North American regimes of industrial legality provide workers with protected rights to organize, bargain collectively and strike. However, they also limit the freedom to strike. Trade unions commonly accept and enforce these limits, but at great cost to solidarity and militancy. This article examines the many ways law works against labour by restricting the freedom to strike and explores the practice of unlawful strikes in North America, including recent examples that resulted in successful outcomes. It concludes with reflections on the revival of unlawful strikes as a tactic forrebuilding and remobilizing the North American labour movement. While the article’s focus is North America, the discussion of unlawful strikes may also be relevant in other countries that limit the freedom to strike.

This paper examines the strategic alliance between the Tenant Solidarity Working Group (TSWG)—a graduate-student tenant union—and CUPE Local 3906, representing Teaching Assistants (TAs) and Research Assistants (RAs) at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario. Situated within Hamilton’s ongoing economic shift from manufacturing, specifically steel production, toward increased real estate speculation, financialization, and intellectual labour, this study investigates whether tenant-labour collaborations provide an effective model for addressing systemic socio-economic inequalities in student housing. Utilizing Nancy Fraser’s analytical triad of recognition, redistribution, and representation, the research evaluates the potential and limitations of this collaboration in achieving tangible socio-economic justice outcomes for graduate tenants. Through the lens of Fraser’s framework, the study identifies how tenant and labour activists mobilize recognition by contesting normative stigmatization of graduate renters; pursue redistribution through collective action that has yielded financial concessions such as rent reductions; and seek representation by demanding political inclusion within university administrative structures and broader public discourse. The analysis underscores that, despite Hamilton’s persistent identity as a major steel producer, the city’s gradual pivot toward real estate investment and intellectual labour exemplifies David Harvey’s concept of a “spatial fix,” redirecting surplus capital and labour into the university sector, thus complicating the intersection of housing affordability and labour precarity.

Introduces and reprints the "Red Haggis" comic strip that ran in 1934 in the Young Worker, the weekly publication of the Young Communist League of Canada. The strip's hero, Red Haggis, is depicted as a pugnacious amalgam of Popeye and "the hard man" of the Scottish working-class tradition. The artist - signed as "Crawford" in the strip - has not been definitively identified.

An article from Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations, on Érudit.

Are shifting party-union relationships impacting the vote intentions of union members in Canada? By analyzing voting intentions within the Canadian labour movement, the findings illuminate the complexity of union members’ electoral behaviour and the strategic opportunities for parties vying for their votes. The authors find that while union members continue to be more likely than the average voter to support the NDP, this support is nuanced by factors such as union type, gender, education, age, and income. Notably, the study finds that the Conservatives have made significant inroads among construction union members and those with college education, challenging traditional assumptions about Canadian labour politics.

The article suggests possible explanations for the variation in the effects of labour shortages on union bargaining power. To this end, a new conceptual model centred on the effectiveness of power is proposed, which lies at the intersection between ‘power to’ and ‘power over’: it therefore combines both the unions' ability to construct collective strategies and use their resources (power to) and their ability to exert a decisive influence on the other party to generate results that are beneficial to them (power over). In an attempt to avoid the determinism often associated with ‘power over’, this model proposes the integration of elements specific to the negotiation process, thus recognising the importance of actors' strategies. By means of interviews with experienced union negotiators, this article demonstrates that the same phenomenon, in this case the labour shortage, produces differentiated effects depending on the subjects of negotiation and the strategies deployed by the players, by affecting both the quality of the strategic leverages, the challenges posed to the unions' organizational capacity and the nature and strength of the employer resistance in negotiation. Furthermore, this theoretical model facilitates an enhanced dialogue between literature focusing on the unions' agentivity and that focused on negotiation strategies and processes, while providing an analytical framework for labor relations practitioners to understand the effects of environmental changes on their bargaining power.

In recent decades, China's rapid economic expansion has been accompanied by a rise in corporate ethical scandals, which have drawn increasing attention to unethical pro-organizational behaviour (UPB)—actions intended to benefit the organization but violating ethical norms. While often justified by employees as organizationally beneficial, UPB carries significant psychological and behavioural consequences. Using cognitive dissonance theory, we examine how UPB leads to time theft through the chain mediation of ego depletion and moral sensitivity, with managerial recognition serving as a key boundary condition. We collected data from 432 randomly selected retail employees through a structured questionnaire, including demographic data and measures of UPB, ego depletion, moral sensitivity, managerial recognition and time theft. Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS 27.0 for preliminary analyses (e.g., reliability, correlation) and MPLUS 8.3 for path analysis and hypothesis testing, including confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and mediation analysis. The results show that UPB increases ego depletion and directly promotes time theft, while also reducing moral sensitivity indirectly through ego depletion. Ego depletion and moral sensitivity sequentially mediate the relationship between UPB and time theft. Importantly, managerial recognition moderates the mediation path by strengthening the positive relationship between ego depletion and time theft. These findings reveal not only the underlying psychological mechanism of UPB but also how organizational feedback can unintentionally reinforce deviant behaviour. We conclude that organizations should carefully evaluate recognition practices and implement ethics-oriented support systems to mitigate the hidden costs of UPB.