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This paper compares Japanese and US multinational corporations (MNCs) on their deployment of human resource management (HRM) and employment relations (ER) practices within four countries. Debate about convergence is used to reconcile findings. The context is the shift from the dominance of the Japanese economy in the 1980s and early 1990s towards the renewed dominance of the US economy in more recent decades. We draw on data from representative, parallel surveys of MNCs operating in Canada, the UK, Spain and Australia to test a set of hypotheses examining similarities and differences between subsidiaries of Japanese and US MNCs in relation to management control across borders, remuneration, representation and worker involvement. The findings demonstrate that, despite the pressures of globalization, and the partial movement away from traditional Japanese management practices in Japan, there are clear country of origin effects for Japanese and American MNCs. Results indicate that Japanese and US MNCs behave differently in terms of the control that they exercise, with Japanese firms exhibiting a greater tendency to use personal forms of control in their foreign subsidiaries and a lower tendency to use procedural forms of control. In terms of HRM practices, Japanese MNCs are distinctive in relation to pay systems. For example, they are less likely than their US counterparts to use performance-related pay and, more likely, to adopt non-union representative structures in subsidiaries. In line with Kaufman (2016), we argue that the study’s findings provide evidence for the ‘converging divergence phenomenon’ in that both Japanese and US MNCs are adopting the most universal aspects of each other’s management practices and integrating them into their own unique systems of management in response to global market forces. We discuss the theoretical implications for the convergence and divergence of HRM and ER systems, and the development of such systems in Japanese and US MNC subsidiaries.

Au Québec comme ailleurs dans le monde, certains groupes demeurent sous-représentés en emploi. Les personnes immigrantes récentes (PIR) font partie de ces groupes qui voient leur participation au marché du travail entravée par différentes barrières, alors qu’ils présentent un taux de chômage nettement plus élevé que les natifs. Cet article s’intéresse au lien entre les perceptions des employeurs à l’égard des PIR et les pratiques de gestion de la diversité contribuant à leur rétention. La démarche méthodologique s’appuie sur un devis exploratoire mixte, alors que 2 376 employeurs ont répondu à un questionnaire et que 87 ont participé à des groupes de discussion. Ces employeurs sont représentés par de propriétaires d’entreprise, des dirigeants, des gestionnaires, des directeurs ou des professionnels en gestion des ressources humaines de divers secteurs d’activité et d’entreprises de taille variée. Les résultats indiquent d’abord un relation positive significative entre les expériences d’embauches des PIR et les perceptions que les employeurs entretiennent à leur égard (r = 0,532, p < 0,01). En groupes de discussion, les participants évoquent l’évolution des perceptions selon la nature de l’expérience d’embauche, positive ou négative. Les résultats témoignent également de relations positives et significatives entre les perceptions et les pratiques de rétention, présentant des coefficients de corrélations de l’ordre de 0,185 à 0,390 (p < 0,01). La phase qualitative permet de constater que lorsque les employeurs perçoivent que les PIR concourent à la performance organisationnelle, ils sont davantage enclins à mettre en place des mesures de gestion de la diversité. Les bénéfices escomptés par les employeurs au regard de l’embauche des PIR modulent leur volonté à mettre en oeuvre diverses mesures de rétention. La gestion réactive de la diversité est alors constatée, quoique certains employeurs procèdent à une réflexion s’orientant vers la proactivité.

Dans le cadre d’une étude menée au sein de services de santé au travail au Québec et en France, nous nous intéressons aux conditions favorables aux pratiques de travail collectif pluridisciplinaire (TCP). Face à des problèmes de santé complexes, tels que les troubles musculosquelettiques (TMS) ou les troubles de santé psychologique (TPS), des professionnels de différents métiers sont amenés à collaborer, notamment pour mener des actions de prévention primaire ayant pour cible les conditions de réalisation du travail. Le contexte dans lequel oeuvrent, d’une part, les équipes de santé au travail (ESAT) au Québec et, d’autre part, les services de santé au travail interentreprises (SSTi) en France diffèrent en raison de leur histoire, leurs cadres juridique et institutionnel, leurs missions et dispositifs.

The article reviews the book, "Les artisans de la lumière. Histoire de la Fraternité interprovinciale des ouvriers en électricité," by Monique Audet.

This article assesses Temporary Foreign Worker Programs (TFWPs) through the prism of Canada’s Seasonal Agriculture Worker Program (SAWP), often represented as a model because of the many rights granted workers and the multiple forms of protection put in place to protect those rights. A careful study of the extant anthropological and sociological literatures, including the author’s work, reveal the immense power that growers wield over temporary foreign workers from Mexico and various English-speaking Caribbean nations. Two consequences of this power have been rises in productivity and the expansion of the SAWP, to the point that it dominates key sectors of Canadian agriculture. Workers are either prevented from joining unions or punished, via blacklisting in some cases, for forming local bargaining units. The author suggests that all such programs be dismantled. At the least, the question of the future of TFWPs merits open and frank discussion.

This paper is based on work history interviews with a group of nine Toronto theatre workers covering a three-year period. During the interviews, participants did not spontaneously mention 13.1 per cent of their jobs in the creative cultural sector. Because forgotten work fails to register in surveys attempting to assess cultural workers’ contributions to the economy or to ameliorate their precarious conditions, it is important to explore why and how such work could go unreported. We locate the forgetting of cultural work in relation to the complexity and stresses of cultural workers’ schedules and to a discourse that opposes a devotion to art to the pursuit of money. Further, we explore how the participants’ particular tendency to forget their shortest-term jobs is informed by another discourse that prioritizes the building of a goals-based, coherent résumé. Last, we suggest that their surprising propensity to also forget their longest-term jobs can be understood in reference to the “piecework” model of cultural work and to a lack of socially supported remembering strategies. Based on these findings, we recommend improvements to the design of surveys on cultural workers’ work history.

Adelle Blackett tells the story behind the International Labour Organization's (ILO) Decent Work for Domestic Workers Convention No. 189, and its accompanying Recommendation No. 201 which in 2011 created the first comprehensive international standards to extend fundamental protections and rights to the millions of domestic workers laboring in other peoples' homes throughout the world. As the principal legal architect, Blackett is able to take us behind the scenes to show us how Convention No. 189 transgresses the everyday law of the household workplace to embrace domestic workers' human rights claim to be both workers like any other, and workers like no other. In doing so, she discusses the importance of understanding historical forms of invisibility, recognizes the influence of the domestic workers themselves, and weaves in poignant experiences, infusing the discussion of laws and standards with intimate examples and sophisticated analyses. Looking to the future, she ponders how international institutions such as the ILO will address labor market informality alongside national and regional law reform. Regardless of what comes next, Everyday Transgressions establishes that domestic workers' victory is a victory for the ILO and for all those who struggle for an inclusive, transnational vision of labor law, rooted in social justice. --Publisher's description

The third instalment in Jim Blanchard's popular history of early Winnipeg, 'A Diminished Roar' presents a city in the midst of enormous change. Once the fastest growing city in Canada, by 1920 Winnipeg was losing its dominant position in western Canada. As the decade began, Winnipeggers were reeling from the chaos of the Great War and the influenza pandemic. But it was the divisions exposed by the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike which left the deepest marks. As Winnipeg wrestled with its changing fortunes, its citizens looked for new ways to imagine the city's future and identity. Beginning with the opening of the magnificent new provincial legislature building in 1920, A Diminished Roar guides readers through this decade of political and social turmoil. At City Hall, two very different politicians dominated the scene. Winnipeg's first Labour mayor, S.J. Farmer, pushed for more public services. His rival, Ralph Webb, would act as the city's chief 'booster' as mayor, encouraging U.S. tourists with the promise of 'snowballs and highballs.' Meanwhile, promoters tried to rekindle the city's spirits with plans for new public projects, such as a grand boulevard through the middle of the city, a new amusement park, and the start of professional horse racing. In the midst of the Jazz Age, Winnipeg's teenagers grappled with 'problems of the heart, ' and social groups like the Gyro Club organized masked balls for the city's elite. --Publisher's description

The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women’s liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics. The Waffle movement, which formed around the “Manifesto for an Independent and Socialist Canada” and challenged the leadership of the New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1969 to 1973, represents a dynamic convergence of many of the social movements that comprised the New Left in Canada. The Waffle argued that the NDP should promote socialist measures to combat American economic domination and ensure Canadian independence while simultaneously engaging with extra-parliamentary struggles. NDP and trade-union leaders, reluctant to adopt such a radical approach, expelled the Waffle from the Ontario NDP in 1972. Despite its short life-span, the Waffle had a considerable influence on Canadian politics and the issues that it raised – Canadian economic dependency, Quebec’s right to self-determination, women’s equality, and the decline of the manufacturing sector, among others – continue to resonate to this day. Furthermore, the Waffle’s impact on Canadian nationalism and its legacy in the NDP, labour and women’s movements, radical left and academia remain contested. The Waffle’s successes and failures represent a potentially revealing perspective on Canadian politics and society during a period of rapid social change, the Sixties. While the existing historiography has sketched the outlines of the Waffle’s history, the focus overall has been limited to analyses of internal leadership disputes and the experience of the Ontario Waffle in particular. Abundant research materials now exist to support a wider and more intensive examination. Through an analysis of the Waffle, focusing on grassroots activists as well as the movement’s leadership, this dissertation demonstrates important connections between the Waffle and other New Left social movements. This interconnectivity is particularly significant, as it indicates that the Waffle occupied a unique place in the international New Left, specifically a convergence of social movements which sought to engage with electoral politics through an existing political party, the NDP. The dissertation also revises the movement/party dichotomy which has dominated much of the Waffle/NDP historiography. Finally, my study of the Waffle, a group active from 1969-75, indicates the flaws of applying a declension narrative to the Canadian Sixties, instead demonstrating the value of a “long Sixties” approach. As the clock ticked down on the 1960s, the Canadian New Left neither died nor retreated into cynicism nor lashed out in violence. Instead, its diverse elements, led by the Waffle, nurtured the wild dream of redirecting and leading to triumph an established political party.

The article reviews the book, "Sept ans de vie professionnelle des jeunes : entre opportunités et contraintes," edited by Arnaud Dupray and Emmanuel Quenson.

The Embassy of Italy, the Consulate General of Italy in Toronto and Villa Charities join together with authors Paola Breda and Marino Toppan to present a ground-breaking new history of the Italian-Canadian immigration experience, finally including the previously untold story of the thousands of Italian Fallen Workers who died building this beautiful country — a story that’s destined to become a new piece of Canadian History. Compiled after decades of research by Toppan, this epic new volume includes countless contributions from across the country, from scholars of Italian-Canadian history and the families of the fallen themselves. This ground breaking new book includes profiles of those in the Italian community in Canada who triumphed with incredible successes, those who died in tragic circumstances, as well as in-depth studies on immigration patterns, labour history, socio-adaptive patterns, labour action, strife and hardships experienced, and many more themes in the Italian-Canadian identity. It even coins a new phrase: Canadianità! --Publicity release, May 23, 2019

At the intersection of three highways, the Douglas Hotel, in Manitoba’s central-west, is a place to stop for a coffee, a meal, or a night’s accommodation. Like elsewhere on the Canadian prairies, the daily labour required of these services falls largely to a migrant workforce. Bringing together historic political economy with feminist political economy, I draw on the presence of this workforce, comprised of 71 Filipino service and hospitality workers, in Douglas as an entry point into an extended exploration of the workings of social reproduction under globalized capitalism historically and at the beginning of the 21st Century. Sensitive to the transnationality that characterizes the lives of these workers, this multi-sited ethnographic study reads the details of everyday life in Manitoba and the Philippines through the historic and present-day political economy of each site. Offering this parallel yet integrated account, I highlight the variability of migrant experience in Canada at the sub-national level, as well as the ways in which receiving-states and private enterprise collaborate in the creation of labour markets. Low-wage and low–status, the labour market in question demands a kind of corporate, commodified care work that ensures the bodily reproduction of the Hotel’s guests and the material reproduction of the Hotel itself. Following from the objectives of their migration, the labour these workers perform at the Hotel also supports the survival and well-being of family in the Philippines. However, in addition to ensuring the material reproduction of non-migrant kin, through their use of digital communication technology and social media, these migrants contribute to the reproduction of migrant subjectivities, and subsequently, respond to the needs of global capital and the Philippine state. Thus, identifying the various, scaled forms of social reproduction in which the Hotel’s migrant workers participate, this thesis offers a multi-faceted, transnational account of reproduction, incorporating migrants, their families, their employer, and multiple state players. While not reproductive as conventionally defined, their labour at the Hotel provides insight into the patterning and re-patterning of social reproduction, and its associated labour, under global capital. Moreover, it demonstrates the centrality of those processes to operations of capitalism.

Canadian labour and working-class history has, to a great extent, been bedevilled in its attempts to understand national trends by the cleavages of gender, region, industry, race, language, and culture. This article argues that one possible way out of this impasse lies in foregrounding the particular relationship between colonial exploitation and class exploitation in our settler colonial economy, both in terms of class formation and in the ongoing project of social reproduction. The adoption of a "settler order framework" seeks to build on important recent works attempting to understand Indigenous peoples' participation in the ranks of those who toil, struggle, and dream of freedom from capitalism, by integrating the fundamental reality of settler workers' ongoing theft of Indigenous land and resources into the story of the Canadian working class.

The 21st century has seen growing attention to settler colonialism among academic researchers in Canada and internationally. In the Canadian context, interest has been fuelled above all by an ongoing resurgence of Indigenous activism and intellectual work, of which the most visible expression to most non-Indigenous people was the Idle No More movement of 2012–13. To date, however, little attention has been paid to settler colonialism within labour studies, broadly understood. As a modest contribution to remedying this deficiency, this article argues for the importance of understanding Canada as a settler-colonial society, proposes a conceptualization of settler colonialism from the perspective of a historical materialism reconstructed through engagement with Indigenous anticolonial thought, and offers some preliminary reflections on integrating analysis of settler colonialism into historical and contemporary research on labour.

Joseph R. Smallwood was, for lack of a better term, a Newfoundlander for Newfoundland. Or so, that is how he portrayed himself. Under the first ten years of Confederation, Smallwood pushed a program of rapid industrialization. This program was largely unsuccessful. So, when the IWA [International Woodworkers of America] declared a strike on the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company in January 1959, which posed a significant threat to the province’s most prosperous industry (pulp and paper), Smallwood leapt into action. Rather than support the loggers’ elected union, he banned the IWA in favour of a provincial union that was to be run by Max Lane, President of the Fishermen’s Federation. Utilizing key documents from the Smallwood Collections at Archives and Special Collections, Queen Elizabeth II Library, Memorial University, this thesis examines the factors that led up to this decision, its outcome and ultimately, and why Smallwood chose to do what he did.

Canada’s unions are proud to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination with the release of a ground-breaking report on the impacts of Islamophobia in the workplace. [This report] explores the rise of anti-Muslim attitudes and discrimination in Canada. It provides recommendations for employers, trade unions, and government on how to address this pernicious phenomenon. --Website description

The article reviews the book, "Les discriminations au travail," by Stéphane Carcillo et Marie-Anne Valfort.

Two-part poem in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919: 1) Prologue; or An introduction to (bourgeois) political economy; 2) Winnipeg: The strike, May-June 1919.

The article reviews the book, "Au coeur des cabinets d’audit et de conseil. De la distinction à la soumission," by Sébastien Stenger.

Border imperialism is a powerful framework for understanding the ways that colonial states manage borders in order to restrict movement of migrants and secure neoliberal economic interests. The present commentary, based on research carried out in British Columbia, Canada, utilizes ethnographic data to highlight the impacts of border imperialism on the everyday lives of temporary migrant farmworkers. First, I discuss how Mexican and Caribbean migrants’ lives are impacted by displacement from farms in their ‘home’ countries. Next, I provide an overview of Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program and argue that it (along with other circular migration schemes) is a powerful weapon of border imperialism designed to construct migrant precarity and uphold deeply-held notions of “Canadianness.” Finally, I discuss the racialization and criminalization of migrant farm workers and present workers’ testimonials to demonstrate how these processes result in migrants’ exclusion from the nation-state and local communities. Ultimately, I argue that scholars and activists struggling for migrant justice must center the demands of workers in their activism.