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Cet article explique comment les modèles Candide et Cofor peuvent être utilisés conjointement pour effectuer, à l'échelle d'une province, des prévisions d'emploi par profession dans chaque industrie.
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If these arguments are correct [i.e., arguments against a sexist psychological interpretation], then we must set ourselves another course to explain the failure of working class women in the 1896 to 1914 [period] to respond to their problems in a more explicitly collective fashion. The framework for such an alternative explanation rests upon a more concrete understanding of the work-life and work-place ecology of working women. Reliance on reliable clichés and "momified" abstractions about feminine psychology has hindered a recognition of the strictures that demographic and occupational influences placed on the possibilities for a concerted action. Combined with an appreciation of some of the thoughts and activity of working women, this approach should help us to reevaluate both the objective constraints and organizing capacities of the woman worker and the interplay of various aspects of her consciousness--particularly her feminism, her sense of feminity and her class consciousness. --From author's introduction
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This paper examines the relatively recent movement by employers in the construction industry toward province-wide associations specializing in labour relations. Beginning with the formation of the Construction Labour Relations Association of British Columbia (CLRA) it reviews the influences of contractor cooperation, union opposition and labour laws on the ability of these organizations to bring unity to contractor ranks and alleviate what has been described as the imbalance of power in construction labour relations. There is also an examination of the organizational characteristics of these CLRA-type organizations which reveals how they have been able to maintain control of members and reduce fragmentation.
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This article reviews "Cyclical Instability in Residential Construction in Canada" by Joseph H. Chung.
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Cet article présente la stratégie de recherche d'un projet qui vise à analyser le comportement des bénéficiaires de l'aide sociale concernant leurs activités de travail et de prospection d'emploi, afin de mieux connaître les déterminants de leurs plans d'offre de travail.
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This article reviews "Cost-of-Living Adjustments in Union-Management Agreements" by Robert H. Ferguson.
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This article reviews "Equal Pay of Equal Value, A Discussion Paper" by the Ontario Ministry of Labour.
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This article reviews "Evaluating the Labor-Market Effects of Social Programs" edited by O. Ashenfelter and J. Blum.
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This article reviews "Wage Price Controls and Labor Market Distortions" by Daniel J.B. Mitchell and Ross E. Azevedo.
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This article reviews "Les horaires variables : examen de la littérature" by B. Turgeon, "L’horaire variable au Québec : rapport d’enquête" by Louise H. Côté and Normande Lewis, "L’horaire variable : rapport de la mission d’étude en Allemagne et en Suisse" by B.M. Tessier and B. Turgeon, and "Les répercussions de l’horaire variable sur l’individu" by R. Boulard, Louise H. Côté, S. Guimond and B. Turgeon.
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The Mine Workers' Union of Canada was a trade union, centred in the coal fields of the Province of Alberta, which existed between the years 1925 and 1936, and included a membership of between 2,000 and 4,900 mine workers during that period. The formation of the union came about as a result of the break-up of District 18 of the United Mine Workers of America in 1924-1925. From the onset, its leadership was composed of differing elements, from conservatives who opposed the U.M.W. of A. for nationalistic reasons, to members of the Communist Party. The M.W.U.C. was one of the founding members of the All Canadian Congress of labour in 1927, and its President, Frank Wheatley, was a Vice-President of the Congress, until his ouster from the miners' union in 1930. miners' union in 1930. Early in that year the Communists, led by Harvey Murphy, began a drive to have the M.W.U.C. disaffiliate from the A.C.C.L., and join the new revolutionary trade union central, the Workers' Unity League. They were apparently successful, for in May of 1931, the union's membership voted by a 73% margin to affiliate with the W.U.L. Later that year the Communist Party of Canada was outlawed and the M.W.U.C. itself was declared to be an "unlawful association" in the courts. Anti-communist and anti-union sentiments on the part of employers led to long and bitter strikes, the most important of which took place in the Crows' Nest Pass in 1932. Finally, after six years of intense struggle on both the industrial and political fronts, the Workers Unity League was disbanded by the Communist Party. In June of 1936, the membership of the Mine Workers' Union of Canada voted to return to the U.M.W. of A. and the union passed into history.
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Examines the 1937 sit-down strike at the Holmes Foundry in Sarnia, Ontario, during which the strikers were beaten and . Discusses the impetus for the strike as well as the situation in the area and the foundry in particular. Comments on the strategy of the strikers and the stoking of racial hatred by the management and local authorities. The author argues that the Holmes Foundry strike illustrated the exent to which the elite was willing to go to crush the strike.
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This study presents the main recommendations of Lord Bullock's Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy in Great Britain.
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This paper attemps to answer the questions as to why the federal public servants alther their options from the arbitration process to the conciliation process.
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The intent of this paper is to estimate the extent of male-female wage differential in a local labor market among the Native born and Foreign born Canadians
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