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This report calls on the provincial government to work with school divisions, unions, and the ministry of education to equalize wages for educational support staff across the province. Pay disparities are not present for teachers across the province. The Manitoba government, which controls all significant funding sources in our school system, must play an active role in ensuring that these wage gaps are eliminated and ensure that rural school divisions operations are no longer subsidized by substandard wages paid to a predominately female workforce. Equal pay for equal work and work of equal value should be a priority for the new Manitoba government. --Website summary

Recent years have seen massive waves of migration from the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa to Europe and North America and a corresponding rise in anti-immigrant, far-right populism in host countries, placing the question of migration at the forefront of politics and social movements. Henaway seeks to understand these patterns through contextualizing global migration within a history of global capitalism, class formation, and the financialization of migration. As globalization intensifies, a neoliberal labour market forces workers around an unevenly developed world to compete for wages--not through foreign investment and outsourcing, but through an increasingly mobile working class. Henaway rejects the right-wing response of restricting or "managing" immigration through temporary worker programs and instead suggests that stopping a race to the bottom for all working people involves building solidarity with the struggles of these migrants for decent work and justice. Through examining the organizing strategies of migrant workers at giants like Amazon and Wal-Mart as well as discount retailers like Dollarama and Sports Direct, the immense power and agency of precarious workers in global companies like UBER or Airbnb, the successful resistance of taxi drivers or fast food workers around the world, and the contemporary mass labour movement organized by new unions and workers' centres, Henaway shows how migrant demands and strategies can help shape radical working class politics in North America and Europe. --Publisher's description

The arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020 triggered the introduction of public health measures that would close large sectors of the economy and send millions of workers home. In two short months, the unemployment rate reached 14.1 per cent—the highest level since 1936, in the midst of the Great Depression. In all, 2.7 million workers lost their job outright, while another 2.2 million lost all or half of their working hours. Many more would be affected in the months ahead as the economy recovered in fits and starts. Canada, like countries around the world, quickly responded with a raft of income security tools and strategies to cope with the economic fallout. Programs such as the Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) and its successor programs. There are few sources of information that document people’s experiences while on CERB. This research project has been designed to help fill this gap. Working with Abacus Data, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives conducted focus groups and an online survey of 1,500 Canadians to help better understand the program’s impact on recipients and to explore the role CERB played in shaping their decisions with respect to skills, education or training and the pursuit of new work opportunities during this period. The focus groupswere hosted in mid-September 2022 and the survey was fielded between Nov. 18 and 25, 2022. The focus groups surfaced and explored key issues for CERB recipients, information which, in turn, informed the content and design of our larger survey. CERB and other emergency benefit programs have ended, but there is still much to learn about the experience and its impact given current economic stresses and the pressing imperative to ensure public programs are recession ready. The introduction of emergency pandemic benefits offers a unique opportunity to examine important questions about Canada’s current income security safety net and how it works (or does not) to support individuals in their efforts to achieve greater economic security and enhanced well-being. --Website description

Four working-class Vancouver sisters, still reeling from the impact of World War I and the pandemic that stole their only brother, are scraping by but attempting to make the most of the exciting 1920s. Gin, Turpentine, Pennyroyal, Rue is a love story — but like all love stories, it’s complicated … Morag is pregnant; she loves her husband. Georgina can’t bear hers and dreams of getting an education. Harriet-Jean, still at home with her opium-addicted mother, is in love with a woman. Isla’s pregnant too — and in love with her sister’s husband. Only one soul knows about Isla’s pregnancy, and it isn’t the father. When Isla resorts to a back-street abortion and nearly dies, Llewellyn becomes hellbent on revenge. But can revenge lead to anything but disaster for a man like Llew — a policeman tangled up in running rum to Prohibition America? Gin, Turpentine, Pennyroyal, Rue is immersed in the complex political and social realities of the 1920s and, not-so ironically, of the 2020s: love, sex, desire, police corruption, abortion, addiction, and women wanting more. Beautifully written, with a loveable cast of characters, this novel is a tender account of love that cannot be acknowledged, of loss and regret, risk and defiance, abiding friendship, and the powerful bonds of chosen family. --Publisher's description

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison’s 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America, in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour.

Since its founding as a province, Saskatchewan has been depicted by the academic literature as possessing a political culture that was distinctly collectivist, dirigiste, protectionist, and polarized, largely owed to the historical political dominance of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and the New Democratic Party (NDP) in the province. Such narratives have outlived the political fortunes of both the CCF and NDP, and have, until this point, persisted despite the rise of the right-wing Saskatchewan Party. This thesis aims to fill a scholarly gap, through considering the influence of prolonged Saskatchewan Party governance on the province’s politics and assessing the current state of Saskatchewan’s political culture. Specifically, I ask the following question: what is the dominant political culture strand in Saskatchewan Party-era Saskatchewan? Through a series of online focus group activities involving people from across the province, I assess and substantiate the influence of political culture pillars, such as collectivism, laissez-faire, heartland, and adversarialism, in shaping Saskatchewan’s provincial identity and contemporary political culture. This study demonstrates that Saskatchewan’s political culture has changed. Specifically, this thesis finds Saskatchewan’s contemporary political culture to be ‘blended’, containing components of both traditional and alternative political culture strands, although displaying a slight preference for the neoliberal and conservative alternative political culture. The findings suggest that the current Saskatchewan political culture has departed from its collectivist and hinterland traditions in favour of individualism and heartland. Meanwhile, the political orientations towards the provincial government’s role in the society and the economy (dirigisme or laissez-faire) or the attitudes Saskatchewanians possess towards political actors and the political system (adversarialism or pragmatism) are considerably more varied and lack ideological consistence. Ultimately, this study highlights the influence of political party shifts in serving as mechanisms and reflections of political culture change and provides an overview of Saskatchewan’s contemporary political culture under prolonged Saskatchewan Party governance. A concluding discussion highlights the value and significance of this research and suggests area of future exploration about Saskatchewan provincial politics and political culture.

The article reviews the book, "Working for Respect: Community and Conflict at Walmart," by Adam Reich and Peter Bearman.

Comment les syndicats chinois réagissent-ils à la plateformisation du travail et à la résistance des travailleurs des plateformes ? Centré sur les livreurs de repas, cet article examine les défis que le travail de plateforme pose à la Fédération nationale des syndicats de Chine (Zhonghua quanguo zonggonghui中华全国总工会), la seule organisation syndicale légale en Chine, et la manière dont, dans un premier temps, les livreurs se sont mis en lutte sans l’intervention des syndicats. Dans un deuxième temps, répondant aux injonctions des autorités politiques, la FNSC a cherché à syndiquer les livreurs en développant de nouveaux modes d’organisation. Parallèlement, elle a développé une offre de service à destination de ces travailleurs. Ce n’est que tout récemment qu’elle s’est impliquée dans la négociation de conventions collectives portant sur les conditions d’emploi et de travail des livreurs. Même si le manque de recul ne permet pas de saisir la portée réelle de ces négociations, elle interpelle cependant par rapport à la réalité du syndicalisme en Chine.

The article reviews the book, "The Heart of Toronto: Corporate Power, Civic Activism, and the Remaking of Downtown Yonge Street," by Daniel Ross.

We examined how home-based teleworkers perceived managerial control in an Italian context in order to gain insight into some of the organizational changes brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on studies of changes to managerial control over the past few decades, we show how workers have experienced the reconfiguration and hybridization of control practices and methods in home telework. Our results cast doubt on the widely held belief that telework is revolutionizing managerial control and work procedures. Organizational and power dynamics at work are key to determining how telework affects employee experiences.

This brief addresses the specific discussion questions posed in the Ministry’s Paper and highlights several other priority areas for reform that are essential for ensuring that app-based workers have access to the full range of rights and protections afforded to other workers in our province, including the right to collectively bargain.

The rise of the ‘gig economy’ and on-demand work using online platforms like Uber and Skip the Dishes has ignited public debate about precarious work and what makes a “good job.” Precarious work is not a new phenomenon, nor is it limited to the gig economy—but we don’t know just how widespread a problem it has become, mainly because Statistics Canada does not collect timely data on many of its dimensions. As part of the Understanding Precarity in BC project we conducted a pilot BC Precarity Survey—the first of its kind in BC—to address this gap and collect new evidence on the scale and unequal impacts of precarious work in our province. The survey, conducted in late 2019, reveals a polarized labour market in which precarious work is far more pervasive than many assume and includes much more than “gig work.” It also shows that the burden of precarious work falls more heavily on racialized and immigrant communities, Indigenous peoples, women and lower-income groups. --Website description

Pour célébrer le 60e anniversaire de l’Association canadienne des relations industrielles (ACRI), Relations industrielles-Industrial Relations (RI-IR) et l’ACRI ont convenu de publier un numéro spécial afin de faire progresser et de consolider les connaissances dans notre domaine. Depuis plus d’un siècle en Amérique du Nord, les chercheurs et les praticiens des relations industrielles étudient les problèmes liés au travail et à l’emploi, qui se perpétuent dans le cadre des modèles de production capitalistes, mais qui deviennent de plus en plus diversifiés et complexes. Par exemple, alors que le travail précaire, la santé et la sécurité au travail et les changements technologiques ont toujours posé des défis aux travailleurs, la pandémie mondiale de COVID-19 a montré que nous n’avons pas fait tout ce que nous pensions pour créer des systèmes d’emploi ou des politiques du travail qui facilitent l’équilibre entre la vie professionnelle et la vie privée, protègent les revenus des travailleurs contre les risques sociaux, permettent d’atteindre l’équité en matière d’emploi, retiennent les personnes et les compétences nécessaires au bon fonctionnement des organisations et respectent l’exercice des droits fondamentaux par les travailleurs. De plus en plus, les praticiens doivent faire face à ce que certains appellent une « polycrise », c’est-à-dire plusieurs crises simultanées (par exemple, le vieillissement de la population, l’inflation, l’évolution des préférences des travailleurs, le travail à distance et/ou le retour au travail en personne, les changements démographiques générationnels). Ces crises se combinent et s’exacerbent les unes les autres, rendant ainsi les problèmes classiques de main-d’oeuvre plus imprévisibles et plus complexes. --Introduction

To commemorate the Canadian Industrial Relations Association’s (CIRA-ACRI) 60th anniversary, Relations industrielles-Industrial Relations (RI-IR) and CIRA have agreed to publish a special issue to advance and consolidate knowledge in our field. For more than a century in North America, industrial relations scholars and practitioners have been studying work and employment problems, which remain age-old under capitalist models of production but are becoming more diverse and complex. For instance, while precarious work, occupational health and safety and technological change have always challenged workers, the global COVID-19 pandemic has shown that we have not come as far as we think in creating employment systems or labour policies that facilitate work-life balance, protect worker incomes against social risks, achieve employment equity, retain the people and skills required for effective operation of organizations and respect workers’ exercise of fundamental rights. More and more, practitioners must deal with what some call a “polycrisis”—several crises happening at once (e.g., population aging, inflation, changing worker preferences, remote work and/or a return to face-to-face work, generational demographic shifts). These crises combine with and exacerbate each other, thus making classic labour problems more unpredictable and complex. --Introduction

Bereavement scholarship predominantly explores psychological aspects of grief, which neglects the role of social, economic, and political factors that shape the space allotted to accommodate these experiences. The current Canadian social context offers minimal space to honour bereavement as a part of the human condition. Aiming to respond to calls for enhancing bereavement care, this dissertation explores bereavement accommodation for workers in precarious employment in Ontario, Canada. Drawing on critical qualitative research and feminist ethics, this study employs policy analysis and in-depth interviews to generate multi-scalar knowledge on the everyday experiences of bereaved workers in precarious employment. I argue that there are discrepancies between how bereavement is represented in the social context and the everyday experiences of bereaved workers. The current representation portrays bereavement as a short-term, workplace disruption, neglecting grief and many forms of practical and emotional labour in bereavement. Participants expressed they were uninformed and unprepared for grief and bereavement labour, and that navigating the current context created tension, stress, exhaustion, isolation, and stigma. I argue we need a collective, ontological reckoning with our sense of autonomy, recognizing and honouring our interdependence in life and death. I argue that bereavement is a neglected public health issue driven by socio-political forces that devalue relationality, stigmatize emotions, and render bereavement an individual responsibility. This thesis makes broad recommendations for a public health approach to bereavement care, including enhancing grief literacy, creating more responsive care pathways and strategies for addressing individual and collective grief, and establishing safeguards for precarious workers.

The article reviews the book, "Under the Iron Heel: The Wobblies and the Capitalist War on Radical Workers," by Ahmed White.

The article reviews the book, "Medicare’s Histories: Origins, Omissions, and Opportunities in Canada," edited by Esyllt W. Jones, James Hanley, and Delia Gavrus.

The growth of industrial tourism and heritage has both fascinated and frustrated scholars of deindustrialization. Frequently, workers and class conflict are obscured in or expunged from the official narratives of industrial heritage. This article makes an original contribution to research on deindustrialization and industrial heritage through fieldwork in Sudbury, Ontario – a region that has seen a decades-long process of industrial restructuring. The article draws on 26 qualitative interviews with current and retired nickel miners and analyzes workers’ reflections on local mining history. It examines how workers understand the foreign takeover of the mines, job loss, and the transformation of Sudbury’s regional economy away from blue-collar industrial employment. The article then explores the growth of regional tourism based around the mining sector, looking particularly at Dynamic Earth, an attraction that teaches visitors about the history of nickel mining through guided tours of a closed mine. On the one hand, workers critique what they see as an obfuscation of class conflict in industrial heritage, while on the other hand, they experience these sites as confirmation of the historic contributions nickel miners have made to Sudbury and the surrounding region.

This article examines the history of, and legal precedent set by, Four B Manufacturing v. United Garment Workers of America, a 1980 Supreme Court of Canada case involving an Indigenous-owned manufacturing firm that resisted the efforts of its Indigenous and non-Indigenous workers to form a union on the Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory, a reserve in southeastern Ontario. The employer, Four B, contested the jurisdiction of the Ontario Labour Relations Board and argued, unsuccessfully, that as an "Indian enterprise," its own operations were a matter of federal jurisdiction. We return to the case of Four B for three interrelated reasons. First, we argue that Four B remains relevant because of the ways that the political economy of settler-colonial Canada continues to structure Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment as ongoing sites of tension. Second, as the inaugural case dealing with the "core of Indianness" – a contested legal concept used by the courts to determine federal jurisdiction over Indigenous labour – this case both set the legal precedent and shaped the subsequent political terrain of Indigenous labour relations. Third, the issues addressed in Four B contextualize recent jurisdictional struggles over Indigenous enterprises, labour, and employment in what we term the "Indigenous public sector" – namely, health care, social services, and First Nations government administration. The article reviews the case history of Four B, setting this against the backdrop of deindustrialization in southeastern Ontario during the period, before tracing how the case influenced the juridical and political landscape of Indigenous labour relations. We close by considering the potential tensions between Indigenous self-determination and the exercise of collective bargaining rights by Indigenous workers.

The article reviews the book, "Querelle de Roberval," by Kevin Lambert.