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This article reviews the book, "Industrial and Labor Relations Terms : A Glossary," by Robert E. Doherty.

This article reviews the book, "Les syndicats et l’OIT," by Bureau international du travail.

This article reviews the book, "Les syndicats indépendants au Québec : un aperçu de leur situation," by François Delorme & Diane Veilleux.

This article reviews the book, "Sept syndicalismes," by Gilles Martinet.

This article reviews the book, "Essays in Scottish Labour History: A Tribute to W.H. Marwick," edited by Ian MacDougall.

This article reviews the book, "Analysing Jobs," by M.B. Youngman, R. Oxtoby, J.D. Monk & J. Heywood.

This article reviews the books, "The Union Politic, The CIO Political Action Committee," by James C. Foster, and "Political Ideologies of Organized Labor," by Ruth L. Horowitz.

The trade unions’ reluctance to accept the reforms envisaged in the Industrial Relations Act 1971 is cited as an important example of trade unions* intransigence and arrogance and of the fact that they consider themselves to be above law. But the way the trade unions fought the Act appears to be quite in keeping with the democratic procedure and the rule of law.

Throughout its history the Newfoundland Federation of Labour has pursued two primary goals - to spread trade union organization and to lobby government to adopt legislation favourable to the interests of working people. The degree to which the Federation has been successful has depended upon the quality and dedication of its leadership, economic conditions and the willingness of government to be influenced. An unstable, rural economy delayed the emergence of a Newfoundland Labour Movement until the mid-1930s. Once it did emerge, however, Newfoundland workers responded enthusiastically. The NFL's founding meeting in 1937 at Grand Falls was followed by a country-wide organizing drive. Despite a six year lull caused by World War II, by the late 1940s the Newfoundland labour force was the most highly operated in North America. Unlike their counterparts in Britain, however, Newfoundland trade unionists were unable to translate their numerical strength into political power. The explanation lies in a combination of the NFL's relationship to sections of the North American Labour Movement opposed to direct political action, divisions within the Newfoundland Labour Movement, and a set of political circumstances unique to Newfoundland. -- Although the NFL was a national labour central until Confederation with Canada in 1949, it was dominated by unions affiliated to the American Federation of Labour. The AFL's opposition to direct political action is well documented. However, in a country with strong ties to Great Britain the success of the British Labour Party provided an alternate model. Even so, there were only two serious attempts between 1937 and 1963 to emulate British practice. For the most part the NFL was less "political" than even the AFL. Initially this was because from 1933 to 1949 Newfoundland was governed by a commission of civil servants appointed by Britain. In a country without a system of electoral politics, direct political action did not seem a pressing concern. When electoral politics were restored and J.R. Smallwood became premier of Canada's tenth province, Smallwood granted the NFL almost every request it made for legislative reform. As a result the NFL saw no need to develop an independent political base in order to guarantee its influence with government. The fault with this approach was demonstrated during the IWA Strike of 1959. Smallwood suddenly turned against the Federation and without a political base of its own the NFL was powerless to protect the interests of Labour. Smallwood's subsequent attacks on the NFL sent it into a ten year period of decline; however, it is the thesis of this dissertation that the NFL's failure to give sufficient weight to the changed environment brought about by the return to electoral politics was as much the cause of its decline as any external factor.

This article reviews the book, "Trade Unions Under Capitalism," edited by Tom Clarke and Laurie Clements.

This article reviews the book, "Historical Studies of Changing Fertility," edited by Charles Tilly.

[This book] is written in a way consistent with some of the fundamental concerns of Marxism. The contributions are from individuals who, according to conventional classifications, can be described as anthropologists, historians, political economists, and sociologists. ...Although the articles are grouped under the headings class, state, ideology and change, the concerns of many span more than one of these categories. In addition, the articles deal with matters of fundamental concern to Canadians: the question of unequal exchanges among regions, Canadian and Quebec nationalism, the ideological mechanisms that support the unequal treatment of women, deindustrialization, and so on. A final section of the book focuses on indigenous Canadian political economy tradition and Marxism. --Editor's preface

Fernand Harvey a réaménagé en profondeur le recueil de textes publié en 1973 sous le titre Aspects historiques du mouvement ouvrier au Québec. L'approche adoptée est plus thématique que chronologique. Sans prétendre être une histoire complète du mouvement ouvrier, cet ouvrage ne couvre pas moins les différentes périodes de cette histoire et aborde des thèmes essentiels à la compréhension de l'évolution historique de ce mouvement. --Publisher's description (Google Books)

This article reviews the book, "The Condition of the Working Class in Toronto, 1900-1921," by Michael J. Piva.

The intensified problems of an increasingly urban and industrial Canada by the late nineteenth century stimulated the development of a significant movement of radical social critics. This article describes and interprets the convictions, supporters, and organizations of Canadian radicalism during the 1890s, encompassing labour leaders, anti-monopolists, single taxers, social gospellers, and the like. The radicals rejected free-market assumptions and, on the basis of their concern for ethical values and for the protection of the productive elements of the community, advocated a radically restructured society based on cooperation and brotherhood. The article explains the rise of socialist ideas against the background of traditional forms of radical protest.

The editor notes that articles on conferences and labour-related archival resources are included in the issue, and that a bibliography is forthcoming. Appreciation is expressed for two departing members of the editorial board.

Toronto's Industrial Revolution of the 1850s and 1860s transformed the city's economy and created a distinct working class. This book examines the workers' role in the transition to industrial capitalism and traces the emergence of a strong trade union movement in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Immigrant workers were already organized along ethnic lines and vol­untary societies like the Orange Order played an informal but active part in the broad pattern of social change. Artisan groups were more directly instrumental in developing strategies to cope with the new pressures of industrial capitalism. In the period covered by this book Toronto's moul­ders and printers maintained and even strengthened the traditions of work­ers' control in the shop. The shoemakers and coopers were less successful, but the lessons of their defeats made them important early members of the Knights of Labor in the 1880s.The Knights of Labor gave new direction to labour organization. Ttiey recruited all workers regardless of skill, sex, creed, or race, and spear­headed the direct involvement of Toronto workers in electoral politics. The final chapters of the book trace the tortured path of working class politics from the early activities of the Orange Order to the emergence of a vibrant minority socialist tradition. Between I867 and I892 Toronto workers established a strong institu­tional base for the new struggles between craft unionism and monopoly capitalism in the early twentieth century and Kealey's detailed study of its development adds a new and important dimension to our understanding of Canadian labour history. -- Publisher's description.

This article reviews the book, "Révolution industrielle et travailleurs : une enquête sur les rapports entre le capital et le travail au Québec à la fin du 19e siècle," by Femand Harvey.