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This article reviews the book, "L'Histoire des femmes au Québec depuis quatre siècles," by Le Colleclif Clio (Micheline Dumont, Michele Jean, Marie Lavigne, and Jennifer Stoddart).

This article reviews the book, "None Is Too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe, 1933-1948," by Irving Abella and Harold Troper.

This article reviews the book, "Mills, Mansion, and Mergers: The Life of William M. Wood," by Edward G. Roddy.

The thesis addresses the problem of Arthur W. Puttee's 1918 breach with the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council after twenty years of work within the labour move¡ent as a journalist and politician. The breach is accounted for through an exploration of the ideology that underlay his political decisions. Structured biographically, the thesis uses various primary sources, most notably Puttee's weekly newspaper, the Voice, and his speeches as a labour member of parliament, to trace a continuity in his beliefs from the beginning of his career in the 1890s to its end in 1918. The concept of "labourism", recently elaborated by Craig Heron to describe the ideology of Canadian craftsworkers who worked for independent political action by labour, is used to characterize Puttee's beliefs. The study reveals a central contradiction in Puttee's labourism. He challenged many aspects of the emerging system of monopoly capitalism and demanded for labour the right as producers of wealth to full democratic representation in government. He was opposed to monopoly, the crude exploitation of workers, and government by "special interests" rather than the "people". But Puttee had no systematic critique of capitalist social relations and believed that labour constituted only onè segment of a businessmen, and "fair" employers. He viewed the state as ideally the instrument for the will of the "people" and the defender of the "public'' interest. This contradiction in Puttee's beliefs became most apparent in the radicalized la­bour atmosphere of 1918, when, as a labour member of Winni­peg City Council, he opposed a general strike of unionized city workers in the name of the broader public interest he sought to represent broader community of producers that included farmers, small

This article reviews the book, "Fellow Workers and Friends: IWW Free-Speech Fights as Told by Participants," by Philip S. Foner.

The Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor was the most significant labor organization in nineteenth century North America. Part trade union, part social reform movement, the Knights organized hundreds of thousands of workers across the continent, and initiated countless major strikes, particularly during the 1880's. The Knights were the first major union to attempt to make unions accessible to a broad range of workers. At a time when most unions were the preserve of highly skilled, white, male workers, the Knights organized blacks, some immigrants and women. This thesis examines the relationship between women and the Knights of Labor in Ontario in the 1880's. The Knights organized women workers, and they also supported an impressive 'feminist' platform of social reform. They endorsed every major feminist demand in the nineteenth century, from suffrage to temperance to equal pay. In Canada, they campaigned successfully for the first sexual harassment legislation. This platform is particularly significant when set next to prevailing restrictive notions of femininity and 'true womanhood'. Yet the Knights were also a male dominated organization. While the 'space' they opened for working class women was important, it was not without its own set of limitations and restrictions. Within the context of contemporary debates about the intersections of class and gender, this thesis examines the contradictions and tension in the Order's feminist ideology.

This article reviews the book, "Australian Unions : An Industrial Relations Perspectives," by B. Ford & D. Plowman.

This article reviews the book, "Canadian Medicine : A Study in Restricted Entry," by Ronald Hamowy.

This article reviews the book, "Le travail : quête de sens, quête d'emploi," by Gilles Dussault, Ethics Research Papers.

This paper discusses the future of professional groups in terms of their capacity to retain their dominant position in the division of labour and their monopolistic privilèges in the production system. The sociological literature is briefly reviewed and then it is argued that recent changes within the professions as well as in the context in which they operate, may affect their capacity to retain their present privilèges.

This paper develops a catastrophe model of union behaviour. It presents an explanation of the unexpected character of some work stoppages as well as for the breakdown of negotiations which appeared headed for resolution.

This article reviews the book, "The Working Class in Weimar Germany: A Psychological and Sociological Study," by Erich Fromm.

This thesis examines textile workers, unions and their strikes at Cornwall, Sherbrooke and St. Gregoire de Montmorency from 1936 to 1939. Via a community study approach, several themes important to textile unionism in particular and industrial unionism in general will be covered. All three places were mill towns. How did this affect political, financial and moral support? How did the corporate structure of the firms involved influence the outcome of the strikes? Were there differences between workers in terms of militancy and their reactions to unionism? What was the role of women at the rank-and-file and leadership levels in the union? --Excerpt.

Examines the labour movement in Australia with an emphasis on its political arm, the Australian Labor Party, from the late 19th century to the 1980s. Discusses the impact of national populism, which resulted in the notorious White Australia policy, with socialist and communist currents having only limited political influence. Internationalism in the aftermath of the Second World War was similarly constricted, with the Cold War having a polarizing effect on the labour movement and the ALP. Concludes that the current Labor government of R.J. Hawkes, a former labour leader, is in keeping with the traditions of the party's political leadership since it first came to power at the national level prior to World War I.

This article reviews the book, "Negotiation : Readings, Exercices and Cases," by Roy J. Lewicki & Joseph A. Litterer.

While Alberta is generally regarded as a conservative province, its early labour movement was class conscious and, for many years had a significant political impact provincially and in many municipalities. The Labour Party, which united trade unions and socialists of every stripe (until its expulsion of the Communists in 1929) reflected the determined independence of Alberta workers: its leaders and members were almost exclusively working-class. But the party was always an uneasy alliance between those who saw politics purely in electoral terms and those who emphasized extra-parliamentary activity. And the election in 1921 of a Farmers' government caused divisions about how closely Labour should work with a non-Labour government. After the purge of the Communists, those who favoured an exclusive concentration on electoral activity and close collaboration with the Farmers, held sway. Their narrow conception of politics turned the Labour Party increasingly into a private preserve of union bureaucrats and created a political vacuum into which Social Credit stepped in.

This paper presents and analyses the salient features of the 1983 amendments enacted by Alberta's Progressive Conservative Government.

This article reviews the book, "Workingman's St. John's: Aspects of Social History in the Early 1900," by Melvin Baker, Robert Cuff and Bill Gilespie.

This article reviews the book, "Poems," by Joe Wallace.

This article reviews the book, "The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855; Broadening the Concept of Public Service During Industrialization," by Ronald E. Seavoy.