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This article reviews the book, "Les syndicates britanniques sous les gouvernments travaillistes," by Jean-Pierre Ravier.

Considerable debate exists on the influence of fluctuations in union membership on strike frequency. On a theoretical level it is possible to advance a number of arguments about the sign and meaning of the regression coefficient on union membership in a strike function (see Kaufman (1982)) so the issue remains primarily an empirical one. This paper attempts to shed some new light on the empirical issue using U.K. evidence.

The task of this thesis is to show that from the nineteenth century to the present Catholic Scoial Teaching recognized increasingly the need for social justice in the areas of labour and society. In order to do this, I propose to research carefully the major official Church documents on Catholic social teaching on human labour from Pople Leo XIII’s Enevelical, Rerum Novarum (The Condition of Labour), 1891, up to Pope John II’s Enevelical Laborem Exercens (On Human Work), 1981. I will also attempt to define what Catholic Social Teaching is and explain what are the principles which make up the social teaching of the Catholic Church—principles which are drawn from scripture, concepts of natural law and the sciences. Reference will also be made to Karl marx where his philosophy on labour is applicable. To support the position of the Catholic Church in its teaching on social justice in the workplace while at the same time given that position clarity from my own point of view, I will speak briefly on my evolution as a worker, a union steward, and Catholic layman. I believe this is necessary because what I am today and how I feel about social justice (or the lack of it), especially in the workplace, has its roots in my early tradition and gradually evolved. Just as the Catholic Church in its writings down through the ages has consistently recognized the plight of the worker, I, too, as a worker, gradually became aware of many visible injustices in the workplace, although I was relatively powerless to do anything about them. In developing my thesis, I will draw upon my thirty-eight years’ experience as a member of Canada’s work-force, thirty-four of which were spent in the telecommunication field. By referring to specific work-related problems I encountered over the years, I will demonstrate why there is such a need for social justice in the workplace, and why I as both Catholic and worker ultimately became a strong advocate for some form of legal machinery to help resolve these problems. I will briefly touch on some incidents that immediately preceded the majority vote for the Communication Workers of Canada (CWC) as the bargaining agent for the Phone Company’s craft and clerical employees in place of the Employees’ Association. As one of the first union stewards and Chairman of the Political Action Committee for the CWC, I will relate a few of the many cases I resolved for fellow workers, in contrast with what the Association has been able to do for this group of workers. I will show why I agree wholeheartedly with the Catholic Church’s present position on and support of the trade union movement as a vehicle for social justice in the workplace. All of the Popes with whom I will be dealing, Leo XIII, Pius XI, Pius XII, John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul II, called for social justice in the workplace and advocated unions as bargaining agents for the worker. Their writings and those of other brilliant Catholic churchmen and laymen demonstrate how the Catholic Church has evolved in the area of social justice and labour. It is this broader Catholic support which has allowed me to find my proper place as a worker advocate. Thus, autobiographical reflection will provide the impetus which inspired me to analyze the papal enevelicals of the Catholic Church.

The object of this paper is to offer a taxonomy — a kind of classification System — as an aid to thinking, in a number of interrelated dimensions, about collective bargaining as a phenomenon of the relationship between management and labour.

Teachers' aspirations to professionalism are manifested in a desire to control educational decision-making. This research investigates success in achieving control of decision-making under formal bargaining, as defined by The School Boards andTeachers' Collective Negotiations Act, compared to non-formal bargaining used prior to 1975.

In 1983 and 1984 the Canadian Studies Program of the Secretary of State funded four lecture series at Canadian universities on the history of the Canadian working class. This volume presents many of the lectures in a published version. Ranging from east to west and covering two centuries of Canadian labour history, the volume includes a selection of essays by some of Canada's leading social historians including Michael Cross, David Frank, Ross McCormack, Bryan Palmer and Joy Parr. Outstanding participants in the making of Canadian labour history Eugene Forsey and H. Landon Ladd have also contributed. Directed at a popular audience these fourteen lectures provide a major survey of Canada's labour past. --Publisher's description

This article reviews the book, "Les mises à pied et le travail à temps réduit dans quelques pays de l'OCDE," by Bernard Grais.

This article reviews the book, "Sécurité sociale, chômage et retraite anticipée," by Association internationale de la sécurité sociale.

This article reviews the book, "Radicalism and Freethought in Nineteenth-Century Britain: The Life of Richard Carlile," by Joel H. Wiener.

This article reviews the book, "Atlantic Canada and Confederation: Essays in Canadian Political Economy," by David G. Alexander.

L’acte des manufactures de Quebec, 1885 : un centenaire.

This article reviews the book, "L'Église d'ici et le social: 1940-1960," by Jacques Cousineau.

This article reviews the book, "L'Histoire des femmes au Québec depuis quatre siècles," by Le Colleclif Clio (Micheline Dumont, Michele Jean, Marie Lavigne, and Jennifer Stoddart).

This article reviews the book, "None Is Too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe, 1933-1948," by Irving Abella and Harold Troper.

This article reviews the book, "Mills, Mansion, and Mergers: The Life of William M. Wood," by Edward G. Roddy.

The thesis addresses the problem of Arthur W. Puttee's 1918 breach with the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council after twenty years of work within the labour move¡ent as a journalist and politician. The breach is accounted for through an exploration of the ideology that underlay his political decisions. Structured biographically, the thesis uses various primary sources, most notably Puttee's weekly newspaper, the Voice, and his speeches as a labour member of parliament, to trace a continuity in his beliefs from the beginning of his career in the 1890s to its end in 1918. The concept of "labourism", recently elaborated by Craig Heron to describe the ideology of Canadian craftsworkers who worked for independent political action by labour, is used to characterize Puttee's beliefs. The study reveals a central contradiction in Puttee's labourism. He challenged many aspects of the emerging system of monopoly capitalism and demanded for labour the right as producers of wealth to full democratic representation in government. He was opposed to monopoly, the crude exploitation of workers, and government by "special interests" rather than the "people". But Puttee had no systematic critique of capitalist social relations and believed that labour constituted only one segment of a businessmen, and "fair" employers. He viewed the state as ideally the instrument for the will of the "people" and the defender of the "public'' interest. This contradiction in Puttee's beliefs became most apparent in the radicalized la­bour atmosphere of 1918, when, as a labour member of Winni­peg City Council, he opposed a general strike of unionized city workers in the name of the broader public interest he sought to represent broader community of producers that included farmers, small businessmen, and "fair" employers. He viewed the state as ideally the instrument for the will of the "people" and the defender of the "public interest." This contradiction in Puttee's beliefs became most apparent in the radicalized labour atmosphere of 1918, when as a labour member of Winnipeg City Council, he opposed a general strike of unionized city workers in the name of the broader public interest he sought to represent.

This article reviews the book, "Fellow Workers and Friends: IWW Free-Speech Fights as Told by Participants," by Philip S. Foner.

This thesis studies the changing work of women during the Second World War and examines their life outside of work in the Ottawa community. Nine women were interviewed to understand the transition experienced by women during the war. The experiences of these women are placed within the context of the political and social developments of the 1930's and 1940's. Through these women's lives we can examine the transition from domestic service to clerical work and the impact this had on women's lives. It was during the war that women emerged as the majority of clerical workers in Canada and accelerated a growing trend of women working in the paid labour force. While the trend towards women working had begun in the post World War I era, the national mobilization during the war was unprecedented in Canadian history and opened new job opportunities for women.While the new job opportunities for women represented an improvement in wages and working conditions from domestic service, clerical work soon emerged as another job ghetto for women which did not allow women the opportunity for advancement. In these jobs women, especially married women, faced many barriers and the conditions at work and outside of work are explored.

The Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor was the most significant labor organization in nineteenth century North America. Part trade union, part social reform movement, the Knights organized hundreds of thousands of workers across the continent, and initiated countless major strikes, particularly during the 1880's. The Knights were the first major union to attempt to make unions accessible to a broad range of workers. At a time when most unions were the preserve of highly skilled, white, male workers, the Knights organized blacks, some immigrants and women. This thesis examines the relationship between women and the Knights of Labor in Ontario in the 1880's. The Knights organized women workers, and they also supported an impressive 'feminist' platform of social reform. They endorsed every major feminist demand in the nineteenth century, from suffrage to temperance to equal pay. In Canada, they campaigned successfully for the first sexual harassment legislation. This platform is particularly significant when set next to prevailing restrictive notions of femininity and 'true womanhood'. Yet the Knights were also a male dominated organization. While the 'space' they opened for working class women was important, it was not without its own set of limitations and restrictions. Within the context of contemporary debates about the intersections of class and gender, this thesis examines the contradictions and tension in the Order's feminist ideology.