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The article reviews the book "Making Law, Order and Authority in British Columbia, 1821-1871," by Tina Loo.

Critiques the paper, "Strikes and Class Consciousness," by Tom Langford published in the Fall 1994 issue of Labour/Le Travail. Argues that Langford misunderstood and misapplied Marxist methodology in his analysis of class consciousness during the 1987 Hamilton postal workers' strike.

The article reviews the book "New Immigrants, Old Unions: Organizing Undocumented Workers in Los Angeles," by Hector L. Delgado.

The articles reviews the book, "Grèves et services essentiels/Strikes and Essential Services," edited by Jean Bernier.

The paper discusses Canada's work-sharing program, which is a special provision of the unemployment insurance program. The time series properties of the national and regional activity levels of this program between 1982 and 1992 are analyzed with the aid of a regression equation. The model estimates the relationship between global work-sharing program activity and the business cycle in search of a countercyclical pattern. Despite evidence of persistence effects in the time series behavior of the participation levels for the conventional UI program, which have been tied to hysteresis effects for unemployment levels, the participation levels of this program appear to behave counter cyclically, as intended. Although there is some anecdotal evidence at the firm level which would suggest instances of repeat usage, persistence effects are not discernible at the macroeconomic level. On the other hand, despite the fact that the program is not to be used in instances of seasonal employment, the model does generate seasonal patterns.

The article reviews the book "Producers, Proletarians, and Politicians: Workers and Party Politics in Evansville and New Albany, Indiana, 1850-87," by Lawrence M. Lipin.

The article reviews the book "Harrisburg Industrializes: The Coming of Factories to an American Community," by Gerald G. Eggert.

This thesis explains why in the 1940s, Winnipeg meat packing workers secured sustainable industrial unionism. By tracing the development of the Winnipeg meat packing industry and investigating previously unsuccessful organizational drives, it is suggested that success in the 1940s corresponded to three broad contributing factors. The most significant factor was changing local conditions. With the gradual introduction of mass production techniques to the Winnipeg meat packing industry beginning in the early 1920s, the reorganization of Winnipeg packinghouse work occurred. The large scale introduction of semi-skilled workers changed the face of meat packing, as packinghouse work became deskilled without any significant degree of automation. During this period, craft unionism in the meat packing industry failed on a national pattern. This failure coincided with the 1930s experiment in industrial unionisn by Winnipeg workers'at Western Packers workers. Western Packing's workers' introduction to industrial unionism also provided the successful 1940s drive with links to the Communist Party. An overall strengthening in North America of the labour movement beginning in the 1930s provided the second broad contributing factor to success in the 1940s. With the birth of the CIO in the United States and Canada, Winnipeg meat packing workers gained at the very minimum inspiration. The impact of Wor1d War II accounted for the final contributing factor for success in the 1940s. With a wartime demand creating full employment and the governmentts desire to maintain production, organized labour found itself in a position of unparalleled power. In combination, a spirit of militancy arose among Canada's labour movement. From these conditions, meat packing workers in Winnipeg chose and pursued industrial unionism with great success. By the end of World war II, workers in Winnipeg possessed an effective union organization and had won union shops and wage increases. Ultimately however, the union's national success created a centralized, bureaucratic union movement which consequently provided a loss of local autonomy.

Women who were activists in the Canadian district of the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) during the postwar and cold war era challenge the assumption that class consciousness is incompatible with female gender consciousness. Encouraged by the leadership's espoused commitment to gender equality, and secure in their strategic importance as a quarter of the lYE's membership, women activists not only refused to accept second-class status within the union, but called, in the name of solidarity, for men's active support in the struggle for women's rights. Although their arguments for a gender-conscious analysis of class struggle failed to convince the UE's leadership, their struggle laid the foundation for the working-class feminism that later emerged within the union.

The article reviews the book "Labour's Dilemma: The Gender Politics of Auto Workers in Canada, 1937-1979," by Pamela Sugiman.

Le malaise professionnel — vu comme un conflit entre les valeurs professionnelles et les exigences organisationnelles — a donné lieu à une abondante littérature au cours des quarante dernières années. Le concept est ici repris dans le but d'élaborer un construit qui s'appuie sur les huit principaux points de tension entre les cadres et les professionnels, soit la nature du travail, l'autonomie, la participation à la prise de décision, le style de gestion du supérieur, les conditions de travail, le développement de carrière, la reconnaissance et l'éthique. Construit à partir de questions mesurant tant les attentes professionnelles que les perceptions de réalisation de 2497 professionnels syndiqués du Québec, le construit de 16 indicateurs se révèle cohérent et valide puisqu'il est significativement corrélé avec les attitudes et comportements généralement associés au malaise par les auteurs.

A fact-based award-winning movie telling the history and Truck Drivers' Union-involvement of the first-ever woman elected to the International Brotherhood of Teamsters' General Executive Board in 1991.

The active labor market policy has been used to reduce the duration of unemployment in Sweden. The lifetime employment system has been used to lower the incidence of unemployment in Japan. Emulating Japan and Sweden could prove difficult, since their policies reflect and reinforce employment interests that are very different from Canada's. As a result, neither lifetime employment nor active labor market policy is transferable to Canada without major modifications to suit the stakeholder interests of Canadian unions, employers, and employees.

The article reviews the book, "La sociiologie des entreprises," by Philippe Bernoux.

Recounts the story of labour from the mid-nineteenth century to the present day. A masterful overview that encompasses all regions of the country, the book paints a vivid portrait of labour's varied past, covering the birth of craft unionism prior to World War I, the setbacks of the interwar years, and the post-World War II breakthrough that gave unions a permanent, if still constrained, place in the national economy. In its analysis of the more recent past, the book ranges just as widely, discussing everything from the organization of public sector employees in the sixties to the anti-free-trade coalitions of the eighties and the massive layoffs of the nineties. --Publisher's description

Recently the Toronto Star ran a story about a lavish new lakefront housing development in the eastern suburbs of Toronto owned by one of the Bronfman companies. Under the quaint name of “Port Union Village,” the developer is resurrecting the long-forgotten history of a tiny port that had existed on the spot in the nineteenth century in order to sell a myth of rural gentility in the 1990s. What the story failed to explain was that the new houses were rising on the site of the infamous Canadian Johns- Manville Company, where from the 1940s to the 1970s several hundred workers worked with asbestos. By 1980 43 CJM employées were dead of asbestos-related diseases. The company’s long suppression of information about these hazards became a national scandai before it collapsed into bankruptcy beneath a flood of lawsuits. The Star was thus complic- it in suppressing the memory of a significant industrial workplace, of the organized reistance of the men who worked there and the workplace culture that sustained them, and of their life with family and neighbours beyond the factory walls. For the residents of this new suburb, there never was a working-class expérience here (they might start asking questions when they find the asbestos in their backyard gardens).The Ontario Worker’s Arts and Heritage Centre exists so that this kind of historical white-washing and collective amnesia will not continue to take place. --Introduction

Labour Day became a statutory holiday in Canada in 1894, but labour days and craftsmen’s parades had been summer events in several Canadian cities and towns for a number of years. Its creation as an official holiday responded to two demands: one for public recognition of organized labour and its important role, and another for release from the pressures of work in capitalist industry. It was up to unions, however, to produce the parades and shape the day’s events, and this task could prove to be too much for local workers’ movements with limited resources. The tension between celebration and leisure eventually undermined the original grand ideals, as wage-earners and their families began to spend Labour Day pursuing private pleasures rather than participating in a display of cultural solidarity.