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Inco is the world's largest producer of nicke. This gripping account of the corporation is an essential contribution to an understanding of concentrated economic power, how it operates in Canada and the Third World, and its human consequences. J.P. Morgan, Wilfrid Laurier, John Foster Dulles, and the CIA all play roles in the intrigue surrounding Inco's growth. Ranged against them are the workers who produce the wealth. Members of the Western Federation of Minders, the Industrial Workers of the World, the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers and the United Steelworkers of America all confront Inco. A story of resistance emerges - of union busting, of attacks by company goons, and of successful organizing drives. Today the struggle broadens to achieve safe working conditions and a cleaner environment. As Inco extends its arms around the world in an attempt to keep up its profits, Indonesia and Guatemala are confronted with a new chapter in a familiar colonial story. Military dictatorship and corporate expansion go hand in hand. The largess of the Canadian government facilitates the process. --Publisher's description

The intent of this paper is to estimate the extent of male-female wage differential in a local labor market among the Native born and Foreign born Canadians

Cette étude a pour but de répondre aux questions suivantes: premièrement, est-ce qu'il existe des différences significatives selon les cadres dans les critères utilisés pour déterminer leurs augmentations de salaire et ceux qu'ils désirent? Deuxièmement, est-ce qu'il existe des différences entre les critères utilisés et ceux désirés par les cadres appartenant à des milieux culturels différents? En dernier lieu, quelles caractéristiques pourraient expliquer l'importance relative qu'ils accordent aux critères désirés dans la détermination des augmentations de salaire ?

The problem to be investigated in this study centres on discovering how urban conflict first emerges as a visible force. Those circumstances which led to the outbreak of open conflict in Winnipeg will be examined to test four competitive social conflict theories. Each theory establishes a series of assumptions about how conflict will emerge. The substantive implicatjons of these assumptions will be compared with the available information on the actual conditions evident at the moment of the emergence of the strike. Through this comparison, this jnvestigation will determjne which theory or theories best describes how the incident of urban confljct actualiy emerged to produce the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. This research has concentrated on urban conflict, rather than rural conflict, because the urban culture more accurately reflects the structural make-up of our society. In Canada, over l6 million people live in cities. That represents 76.1% of the total population of Canada, and this figure is rising by 2.9% per annum. Thus, with an increasing majority of our population residing in urban centres, the problems of urban living and its resultant conflicts, have become an increasingly salient feature of the composition of Canadian society. This investigation will be performed by centering specifically on urban unrest, rather than analyzing turmoi1 at a regiona1 or national level. Canadian history has had few examples of wide-scale conflict. Most forms of insurgence within Canada have been limited to either a single industry or a single city. This may be because Canadian cities are isolated from each other, and extend across the country in a series of pockets located along its southern border. This separation may have made it difficult, in the past, to transport issues to other communities. As telecommunications had greatly improved the linkages between urban centres by l919, this may explain why some sympathy for the Winnipeg General Strike was expressed jn other cities by means of minor sympathy strikes, although there was little long term unified protest outside the city itself. Therefore, limited by Canadian experience, this work will confine itself to the emergence of conflict within an urban centre.

This article reviews "Collective Bargaining in the Essential and Public Service Sectors" by Morley Gunderson.

Contents: Chapter 4, Militancy in the Canadian Civil Service, 1918-1920 -- Chapter 5, The Response to Classification and Reorganization -- Chapter 6, The Ascendancy of the "Service Ethic." [Only these chapters are available from the website.]

Examines the connection between middle-class civil servants and trade union ideologies during the 1918-28 period. Discusses the growing militancy of public sector employees after the First World War. Analyzes the tensions between white-collar workers and manual labourers, and white-collar workers' connections to the labour movement. Discusses the implications of the situation of middle-class workers with regards to the class struggle and proletarianization. Concludes that proletarianization is not an either/or process, and that there are opportunities for alliances between salaried workers and the proletariat. The text is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the Annual Meeting of the Committee on Socialist Studies in Fredericton, New Brunswick, on June 11-12, 1977.

If the labour movement is strong, this may not only simultaneously make for more effective participation at the National plant levels, but also via pressure on the State, to very much limit the role of the multi-national corporations.

This article reviews "Participation et négociation collective" by Laurent Bélanger, Jean Boivin and Gilles Dussault, under the direction of Alain Laroque.

Examines the life of William Lyon Mackenzie King, specifically the development of his ideas around class and democracy. Traces King's life from childhood to his election as prime minister in 1921. Discusses how various events in King's life contributed to his liberal corporatist ideas. Argues that King's ideas about corporatism were ahead of his time.

Satirical piece that purports to be an edited transcript of a conversation between a Halifax dockworker and a Dartmouth construction worker. The authors (who pose as editors) claim that the conversation was surreptiously taped at a Dartmouth tavern in 1975 for a psychological study of Nova Scotian language use, including swearing. The parody is larded with references to labour history and the works of labour historians.

Examines the connections between the Socialist Party of Canada and the labour movement in the West. Worker unrest and dedicated party members led to the temporary success of the Socialist Party in Canada. The author analyzes how the Party affected the events of spring 1919, including secessions from the Trades and Labour Congress, the establishment of the One Big Union, and a strike wave.

Argues that skilled workers in the nineteenth century had more control than was previously realized. Examines three Toronto unions active from the 1860s to the 1890s: the Coopers International Union, Ontario No. 3; the International Typographical Union No. 91; and the Iron Molders International Union No. 28. Analyzes various incidents that demonstrated the power of the skilled workers’ unions. Concludes by discussing the arrival of new threats to workers' control: scientific management, the rise of large corporations, and the expansion of labour-saving machinery.

Examines the conditions of workers in Quebec from 1896 and 1914. Provides a broad definition of “worker” in order to gain a general understanding of their overall situation. Concludes that workers were largely subject to monotonous working conditions and that compensation was poor.

Provides an analysis of craftsmen throughout history and their connections to social and political radicalism. Examines the influence of skilled craftsmen on the trade union movement as well as the shifts the craft culture underwent over time. Argues that the craft tradition had a significant influence on the labour movement. Concludes by calling upon more historians to appreciate the social and cultural lives of these men and women, so as to uncover their hidden or unrecognized contributions to the modern world.

Examines trade unionism among skilled building trade workers in Toronto during the period, 1896-1914. The author analyzes trades such as carpentry, ironworking, and stonemasonry to challenge traditional conceptions of building trade unions. Fragmentation amongst the trades severely impacted the ability of the workers to generate significant change. The author concludes that further analysis is needed of the role of building trade workers in the labour movement.

The article examines the landmark 1902 meeting of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, that took place in Berlin (now Kitchener). The Congress is an organization of labour unions, which during this 1902 meeting became an organization of exclusively international unions. This resulted from a long battle between international unions (like the Knights of Labor) and their rivals, such as the Conseil central des Métiers et du Travail de Montréal, which originated in Quebec. The 1902 Congress reinforced pre-existing structures that ensured international unions’ dominance in Canada.

Examines the Industrial Council at the Toronto Massey-Harris plant from 1919-1929. Argues that the council played a critical role for management in communicating with workers, but did not contribute to any management concessions to workers. Suggests that the council symbolized management's good-will towards the workers, but was never a truly democratic institution. Concludes that industrial councils contributed to a decade of relative labour peace by making minor concessions to workers.