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[The author] reminds us that faculty power, and not only student power, helped to change the structure and governance of the modern university. --From editors' introduction

The article reviews the book, "L'émergence de la modernité urbaine au Québec. Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, 1880-1930," by Jean Gaudette.

The Live-in Caregiver Program is a temporary foreign worker program that allows workers to come to Canada in order to labour as private caregivers for children, the elderly, and disabled individuals. This program allows caregivers to apply for permanent residency after the successful completion of 24 months of full time work. There are a number of scholars, advocacy groups, former caregivers, and other parties that have raised concerns about certain regulations of this program. For example, caregivers under this program have an employer-specific work permit, must live in the homes of the employers, and have no external monitoring of their work environments. Subsequently, the Live-in Caregiver Program has been seen as problematic because of the high number of abusive labour situations. This thesis is dedicated to an analysis of how the Canadian news print media represents the Live-in Caregiver Program. Although there has been much research done on migrant care work within Canada, and around the world, there are few studies on how the news media construct arguments that describe these transnational labour flows. The main topics that guided the research questions for this thesis were: temporary foreign worker programs; citizenship status; globalized, gendered, and racial stereotypes; the live-in regulation; employer specific work permits, and power relations in the labour relationship. This research was not geared to proving or disproving the main findings of key migrant domestic worker literature, rather it was focused on how these conclusions are interpreted, transferred and argued within a publically accessible format, Canadian news print media. This analysis revealed how journalists within Canadian news media construct important cultural narratives to persuade audiences to either reject the LCP as exploitative and problematic, or embrace it as economically beneficial.

This thesis explores the Canadian state's rationale for the creation and perpetuation of the Seasonal Agricultural Worker's Program (SAWP). Informed by and building on the writing of Canadian political economists, this thesis provides a composite history of the program from its creation in 1966 to its current-day incarnation. While many scholars have looked to neo-liberalism to analyze the program, SAWP existed long before the term entered the political lexicon and instead fits into a much longer history of racialized immigration and labour policies in Canada. Therefore, though we need to understand the changes wrought by neo-liberalism, we must also acknowledge the historical continuities inherent in SAWP: no matter who was in office, and what political ideology they subscribed to, migrant labour schemes have consistently been relied onto support the state's project of aiding the accumulation of wealth and filling the labour vacuum left behind by Canadians who gained safer, more secure, and more lucrative employment elsewhere.

We chose Breccia as our title to reflect the nature of the [poetry] collection and our geographical location in Sudbury, Ontario. ...One section of this book, "Sudbury Breccia," grew out of a few poems about that northern mining town. We were attracted to the idea of examining life in such a town from World War II into the new millennium as seen through the eyes of a haiku poet. The diverse cultural mix of the miners themselves further enhances the breccia theme. The earliest miners were, primarily, a mélange of European immigrants who relocated to find a better life. This potpourri was enriched by large numbers of immigrants and displaced persons fleeing a war-ravaged Europe. The result was a northern Ontario mining culture with a distinctly varied foundation. --From authors' introduction. Six haiku by Ignatius Fay: headlamps off / inky black and the sounds / of shifting rock -- dad's St. Christopher / black with sweat / and mine dust -- two p.m. / the school shudders / with the mine's daily blast -- moving day / his father's job lost / to a Scooptram -- retired from mining / the school janitor's limp / worse in autumn -- played-out mine site - / the green of young thistles / in rust-stained soil. Tanka by Ignatius Fay: Levack North Mine / sixteen-hundred-foot level / the weight / of three billion years / over my head.

The Thought of Work, by John W. Budd, is reviewed.

The article reviews "International and Comparative Employment Relations: Globalisation and Change," 5th edition, edited by Greg J. Bamber, Russell D. Lansbury and Nick Wailes.

Industrial Relations, the Economy and Society, 4th edition, by John Godard, is reviewed.

Provides an analysis of labour politics in Québec, arguing that the distinct trajectory of Québec unions caused the movement to adopt political strategies which diverged from those of the Canadian labour movement as a whole. --Editor's introduction

Analyzes the Quebec economy from the mid 1990s to the financial crisis of 2008-09, including stagnant wages and the trend toward precarious work. Emphasis is placed on the ambivalent state of the labour movement. The conclusion calls for the movement to become more inclusive, and to defend the distinctive Quebec model of programs, such as daycare.

Le Lord's Day Act interdit le travail le dimanche en 1906, mais autorise les travaux jugés nécessaires. Les compagnies papetières québécoises peuvent effectuer les travaux d'entretien et de nettoyage, mais ne peuvent pas produire le dimanche. L' industrie papetière exige la production continue et menace de freiner ses investissements au Québec si le gouvernement ne permet pas le fonctionnement des machines le dimanche. Le gouvernement Lesage instaure donc la Commission d'enquête sur l'observance du dimanche dans les usines de pâtes et papiers en 1964. Le jour du Seigneur fut essentiellement traité comme une question religieuse par les historiens, mais l'attachement pour la conservation du repos dominical déborde les questionnements sur le sécularisme ou la piété populaire. Cette commission instaurée pour régler un problème technique cache un profond conflit de valeurs entre les différents acteurs sociaux. Différentes façons de concevoir le bien commun et le progrès social y sont avancées. Aux séances de la commission, plusieurs groupes et individus font valoir leurs points de vue. Les représentants des compagnies papetières exigent unanimement la production le dimanche pour accroître la production. Pour les groupes religieux, la sanctification du dimanche est une manifestation collective vitale pour la cohésion de la famille, de la paroisse et de la société. Quant à eux, les travailleurs et leurs syndicats défendent l' idée d' un repos commun hebdomadaire et dénoncent le travail par rotation d'équipes. Les débats lors de la Commission Alleyn permettent de mettre en relief une confrontation culturelle à l' intérieur d'un rapport économique de production, tout en offrant un éclairage sur le bouleversement des nouveaux rapports sociaux en plein coeur de la Révolution tranquille.

Describes the efforts of agricultural workers to obtain legal protection with particular reference to legislation and proceedings in Ontario. Concludes that despite legal setbacks, the struggle continues through the Agriculture Worker Alliance of the United Food and Commercial Workers.

The Canadian union certification system guarantees workers rights to organise, bargain collectively, and strike only when a majority of co-workers favours unionisation. This contravenes International Labour Organisation standards, in which the freedom to associate is unqualified by majority support. In recent years, the Supreme Court of Canada has drawn on ILO principles to interpret constitutional rights as covering organising and collective bargaining activities related to freedom of association under section 2(d) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. However, it has not as yet ordered Canadian governments to enact labour relations laws consistent with these new constitutional rights. Neither has there been a general call for such legislative change. Instead, many fear that statutory support for non-majority unionism would lead to multi-union representation and intensified inter-union competition, but fail to consider that sharing the workplace might actually promote inter-union cooperation against a common adversary in management. This study addresses this shortcoming by looking at the extent and nature of inter-union collaboration in New Zealand, where non-majority, non-exclusive representation exists already. Collaboration was found to be common, not only over bargaining and lobbying, but also in organising. Implications for Canada are explored.

The article reviews the book, "La confiance en gestion : un regard pluridisciplinaire," by Anne Gratacap and Alice Le Flanchec.

Considers the intersection of relevant conventions of the International Labour Organization, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and labour case law of the Supreme Court of Canada. Asserts that the Canadian government is bound by ILO membership to promote collective bargaining, and that the Supreme Court's reliance on ILO principles was fully justified in Dunmore and BC Health Services. Concludes that, although the court's decision on Fraser fails to implement these principles, the right to strike in Canada will eventually be constitutionally recognized.

Every year, 30,000 agricultural migrant workers arrive in Canada as part of the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP), the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program and the Low Skill Pilot Project. Although the TFWP is intended to address short-term labour demands, most of these workers return to the same communities year after year, sometimes for more than 25 years. As a result, growing numbers of migrant farm workers are permanently temporary. The increased presence of temporary workers will most certainly have an impact on Canadian communities and workplaces for years to come. Is there a way to conceptualize integration in the context of these migration patterns? How does the TFWP fit into Canada’s multicultural landscape and its goals of integration and social cohesion? In this study, Jenna Hennebry draws on experience with agricultural workers to address some of these questions. The author uses empirical data, interviews and research on the situation in Ontario, the province with the largest number of agricultural migrants, to examine the degree of integration of migrant farm workers. She finds that their inclusion in the communities where they live and work is poor, despite laudable efforts by nongovernmental organizations, community groups and unions – notably the United Food and Commercial Workers Canada union, which has sponsored some unique transnational initiatives.