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The article reviews the book "The Irish Labour Movement in the Nineteenth Century," by John W. Boyle.

The article reviews the book, "The Bolsheviks and the Red Army," by Francesco Benvenuti.

Allen was raised in a Christian family, being the son of a United Church minister, and this no doubt influenced his academic interests, which took him to Duke University where he completed his doctoral studies. Out of this came his first major work, and one which still inspires scholars of Canadian socialism and Christianity to this day: The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada, 1914-28. Published in 1971, it served as a defining work for how scholars understood the figures, events, motivations, ideologies, and theologies which shaped the social gospel movement in Canada. While of an age that many might deem ‘dated,’ this book was deeply influential on my own understanding of the Christian left in this country, which existed in rudimentary form given my interest in key CCF figures like J.S. Woodsworth and Tommy Douglas, but wasn’t developed in a meaningful way until graduate school. In Allen’s writing, I saw figures and movements that—however imperfectly—melded the ideas of secular social justice with a conviction that Christ was sent to earth not only to teach us about the afterlife, but about how to build a New Jerusalem in the here and now. --From "Remembering Richard Allen" by Christo Aivalis [blog posting, 2019-03-25]

This article reviews the book, "Working Women: Past, Present, Future," by Karen Shallcross Koziara, Michael H. Moskow, and Lucretia Dewey Tanner.

The article reviews the book, "For Labour and for Women: The Women's Labour League, 1906-1918," by Christine Collette.

The creation of the NDP out of the CCF in 1961 was intended to strengthen Canada's left-wing political party through a closer alliance with organized labour. This strength has failed to materialize. In Political Choices and Electoral Consequences, Keith Archer reveals why.The most important link between labour and the NDP is the direct party affiliation of union locals. While this sort of affiliation had existed with the CCF, the Canadian Labour Congress showed a greater commitment to encouraging union locals to affiliate with the NDP. Although, as Archer discusses in both theoretical and empirical terms, individuals who belong to union locals formally linked to the NDP are more likely to vote for that party than are other people with similar socio-demographic characteristics, this has had little positive effect on the NDP's fortunes. Archer reveals that although, in principle, each union local may favour high rates of affiliation, it is often not in a local's self-interest to affiliate. Archer suggests that the main reason for such a disappointing record of affiliation is structural rather than ideological or cultural. He compares the Canadian situation to that in Britain, where the Labour Party rules governing affiliation have supported high rates of affiliation. The rules of the NDP, Archer goes on to show, are not significantly different from those that were developed between labour and the CCF. However, the CCF was not a labour party as such but rather an amalgam of farmers, labourers, and members of constituency associations. Labour's role has consequently remained that of a junior partner with the constituency groups. Under these circumstances, Archer argues, one would expect rates of affiliation to remain low. --Publisher's description

During the 19th century a longshoring tradition emerged out of the booming lumber trade in Saint John. Shiplabourers' organizations periodically vied with local merchants for control of the waterfront casual labour market. Work-bred feelings of mutualism were frequently undermined by job, ethnic, and religious segmentation. Despite the introduction of steamers, the longshore labour process remained relatively unchanged. The situation changed at the sum of the century as a result of the establishment of Saint John's winter-port facility. Big Capital confronted Big Labour in an all-out struggle for control of the docks. Aided by wartime conditions, the longshoremen finally succeeded in imposing new work-rules and exerting partial control over hiring practices. But after the Armistice, the shipping industry regained its previous authority, and hard-pressed Saint John longshoremen subsequently abandoned theft class-based efforts in favour of regional political nostrums.

The article reviews the book "The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain," by F. M. L. Thompson.

The article reviews the book, "From Working Girl to Working Mother: The Female Labor Force in the United States, 1820-1980," by Lynn Y. Weiner.

The article reviews the book, "Current Issues In Labour Relations: An International Perspective," by Alan Gladstone, Russell D. Lansbury, Tiziano Treu, Jack Stieber, and Manfred Weiss.

The article reviews the book, "L'entreprise d'aujourd'hui," 2nd edition, by Louis E. Boone and David L. Kurtz.

The article reviews the book "American Rubber Workers and Organized Labor, 1900-1941," by Daniel Nelson.

Why was Winnipeg the scene of the longest and most complete general strike in North American history? Bercuson answers this question by examining the development of union labour and the impact of depression and war in the two decades preceding the strike. --Publisher's description

Discusses historical methods used in the study of Latin American labour history. Criticizes both liberal and Marxist interpretations for their Eurocentric class analysis as well as specialized "new" social histories that neglect the effects of imperialism and elite-centred power in underdeveloped societies. Argues for "big picture" comparative studies of Latin American labour as well as dependency analysis — described as Latin America's most important contribution to world social thought — to challenge these insidious forms of cultural imperialism.

The article reviews the book, "Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946-1976," by Daniel James.

La mobilité géographique des populations au XIXe siècle a suscité un grand intérêt et de nombreux travaux chez les historiens canadiens. Néanmoins, du côté de l'histoire des travailleurs, ce champ d’investigation ne fait que commencer à se développer. Le présent article vise à élargir nos connaissances sur le sujet en montrant l’importance centrale de la mobilité professionnelle dans le développement de l'une des principales organisations ouvrières au Canada pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle : les sections canadiennes de l’Iron Molders Union of North America. Aux prises avec une mobilité phénoménale de leurs effectifs, les mouleurs élaborent en effet une réglementation syndicale des migrations qui transforme I’influence potentiellement négative de leurs déplacements en une force pour défendre ou promouvoir le statut du métier. Le succès est tel que leur mobilité géographique favorise considérablement l’expansion géographique de l'organisation et conduit à la formation de ses plus puissantes sections dans les localités où existe précisément la plus grande mobilité de mouleurs.

This paper analyses Manitoba's experiment with final offer selection for the purpose of clarifying the roots of the conflict it has generated.