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Between 1916 and 1922 workers in the United States participated in the longest and most intensive strike wave in the country's history. Four characteristics of the epoch's strikes help us understand the interaction between an emerging collectivist style of capitalism and workers' use of the strike weapon. First, individual strikes frequently closed an industry across the nation, or else precipitated city-wide sympathetic strikes. Second, an aspiration for industrial unionism was evident in both official collaboration among craft unions and all-grades action by workers undertaken in defiance of their unions. Third, much of the strike activity was informed by a One Big Union myth, despite the lack of influence of either the IWW or the OBU. Fourth, immigrants were especially prominent among the strikers. The attraction of notions of "workers' control" to older immigrants and the power of nationalism among all immigrants shaped the goals and structures of unions and of strikers. Although no united working-class movement could congeal, let alone prevail, under these circumstances, a significant minority of highly politicized workers remained to make its presence felt in urban life after the strike wave had subsided.

Nouvelle presence de l’Etat dans les relations de travail.

This article reviews the book, "The Elements of Industrial Relations," by Jack Barbash.

This article reviews the book, "Dangerous Patriots: Canada's Unknown Prisoners of War," by William Repka and Kathleen M. Repka.

This article reviews the book, "The History of the ACTU," by Jim Hagan.

This article reviews the book, "The Workers' World at Hagley," by Glenn Porter.

This article reviews the book, "Collection "Technologie et travail"," by the Institut national de productivité.

This article reviews the books, "The People's Clearance, 1770-1815", by J.M. Bumsted, and "The Fall and Rise of the Asiatic Mode of Production" by Stephen P. Dunn.

This article reviews the book, "The Redistribution of Income in Canada," by W. Irwin Gillespie.

The article briefly reviews ""A Reader's Guide to Canadian History 1 : Beginnings to Confederation," edited by D.A. Muise, "A Reader's Guide to Canadian History 2: Confederation to the Present," edited by J.L. Granatstein and Paul Stevens, "Shaping the Urban Landscape: Aspects of the Canadian City-Building Process," edited by Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F.J. Artibise, "Steve Nelson: American Radical," by Steve Nelson, James R. Barrett, and Rob Ruck, "Immigrant Women," edited by Maxine Schwartz Seller, "American Labor in the Southwest: The First One Hundred Years," edited by James C. Foster, "The Moral Response to Industrialism: The Lectures of Reverend Cook in Lynn, Massachusetts," edited by John T. Cumbler, "Wilhelm Liebknecht: Letters to the Chicago Workingman's Advocate, November 26 1870-December 2 1871," edited by Philip S. Foner, " Guide to the Local Assemblies of the Knights of Labor," by Jonathan Garlock, "The New England Mill Village, 1790-1860," edited by Gary Kulik, Roger Parks, and Theodore Z. Penn, "Democratic Socialism: The Mass Left in Advanced Industrial Societies," edited by Bogdan Denitch, "Marx and Engels on Law and Laws," by Paul Phillips, "The Degradation of Work? Skill, Deskilling and the Labour Process," edited by Stephen Wood, "Cultural Marxism and Political Sociology," by Richard R. Weiner,"Our Common History: The Transformation of Europe," edited by Paul Thompson, "Wives For Sale: An Ethnographic Study of British Popular Divorce," by Samuel Pyeatt Menefee, "Today the Struggle: A Novel," by Mervyn Jones, and "A History of European Socialism," by Albert S. Lindemann.

The article reviews and comments on "The Social Organization of Early Industrial Capitalism," by Michael B. Katz, Michael J. Doucet, and Mark J. Stern.

The article reviews "Scholars and Dollars: Politics, Economics, and the Universities of Ontario, 1945-1980," by Paul Axelrod, "Language and Nationhood: The Canadian Experience," review by Ronald Wardhaugh"Trouble at Lachine Mill," by Bill Freeman, "The Welfare State in Canada: A Select Bibliography, 1840-1978," by Allan Moscovitch et al., "The Canadian Prairie West and the Ranching Frontier, 1874-1924," by David H. Breen, "The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790," by Rhys Isaac, "The Divided Mind: Ideology and Imagination in America, 1898-1917," by Peter Conn, "The Hawsepipe: Newsletter of the Marine Workers Historical Association," newsletter started by Jack and Judy McCusker, "Ben Tillelt: Portrait of a Labour Leader," by Jonathan Schneer, "Industrial Democracy at Sea: Authority and Democracy on a Norwegian Freighter," edited by Robert Schrank, "What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History," by Sydney Labour History Group, "Politics in the Ancient World," by M.I. Finley / reviews by Bryan D. Palmer -- "A Social History of the English Working Classes," by Eric Hopkins / review by Craig Calhoun.

This article reviews the book, "Working-Class Experience: The Rise and Reconstitution of Canadian Labour, 1800-1980", by Bryan D. Palmer.

This paper argues that we are witnessing the end of the era of "free collective bargaining" which began with the federal government's war-time order-in-council PC 1003. The era being closed is one in which the state and capital relied, more than before World War II, on obtaining the consent of workers generally, and unions in particular, to participate as subordinate actors in Canada's capitalist democracy. The era ahead marks a return, albeit in quite different conditions, to the state and capital relying more openly on coercion to secure that subordination. This is not to suggest that coercion was absent from the previous era or that it is about to become the only, or even always the dominant, factor in labour relations. Rather it is argued that there has been a change in the form in which coercion and consent are relating to one another, a change significant enough to demand a new era. In conclusion, we speculate on the character of labour relations in the foreseeable future.

This article reviews the book, "Le manager au quotidien. Les dix rôles du cadre," by Henry Mintzberg.

This article reviews the book, "Organizations : A Quantum View," by Danny Miller & Peter H. Friesen.

This article reviews the book, "The Rise of the Gulag: Intellectual Origins of Leninism," by Alain Besançon.

This article reviews the book, "August Bebel: Shadow Emperor of the German Workers," by William Harvey Maehl.

This article reviews the book, "'Not One Man! Not One Penny!' German Social Democracy 1863-1914," by Gary P. Steenson.

This paper explores, from a comparative perspective, the industrial unrest of the years 1917-20 and the role of revolutionary socialists in it. It argues that both industrial militants and left-wing socialists re-evaluated their positions because of their experiences in this period and sought, from different perspectives, to formulate a new relationship between industrial and political forms of worker struggle. They converged around 1920 in the founding of the Communist International, in which both leading industrial militants and left-wing socialists from Europe and North America participated. After the defeat or arrest of their movements for industrial unionism and workers' control, industrial militants sought a political strategy to complement their previous emphasis on economic action. Left-wing socialists, for their part, sought a means to reach and influence the mass of industrial workers and found such a means in industrial action and organization. The two joined forces in the early years of the Communist International, thereby decisively transforming Marxist views of labour unions and industrial action while linking industrial militancy to a larger political movement. The success with which the Communists established themselves after 1920 as the leading radical force in the workers' movement, in both the labour union and political arenas, is in large part due to their incorporation of industrial action into the politics and organization of the Communist Party. Thus, although the industrial unrest of the World War I period subsided after 1920 without having achieved its major immediate or long-term goals, the Communist Party inherited and then transformed its legacy.