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Precarious employment is on the rise in Canada, increasing by nearly 50% in the last two decades. However, little is known about the mechanisms by which it can impact upon geographical mobility. Employment-related geographical mobility refers to mobility to, from and between workplaces, as well as mobility as part of work. We report on a qualitative study conducted among 27 immigrant men and women in Toronto that investigates the relationship between precarious employment and daily commutes while exploring the ways in which gender, class and migration structure this relationship.Interview data reveal that participants were largely unable to work where they lived or live where they worked. Their precarious jobs were characterized by conditions that resulted in long, complex, unfamiliar, unsafe and expensive commutes. These commuting difficulties, in turn, resulted in participants having to refuse or quit jobs, including desirable jobs, or being unable to engage in labour market strategies that could improve their employment conditions (e.g. taking courses, volunteering, etc.). Participants’ commuting difficulties were amplified by the delays, infrequency, unavailability and high cost of public transportation. These dynamics disproportionately and/or differentially impacted certain groups of workers. Precarious work has led to workers having to absorb an ever-growing share of the costs associated with their employment, underscored in our study as time, effort and money spent travelling to and from work. We discuss the forces that underlie the spatial patterning of work and workers in Toronto, namely the growing income gap and the increased polarization among neighbourhoods that has resulted in low-income immigrants increasingly moving from the centre to the edges of the city. We propose policy recommendations for public transportation, employment, housing and child care that can help alleviate some of the difficulties described.

Objective. We sought to document pathways between under/unemployment and health among racialized immigrant women in Toronto while exploring the ways in which gender, class, migration and racialization, as interlocking systems of social relations, structure these relationships. Design. We conducted 30 interviews with racialized immigrant women who were struggling to get stable employment that matched their education and/or experience. Participants were recruited through flyers, partner agencies and peer researcher networks. Most interviews (21) were conducted in a language other than English. Interviews were transcribed, translated as appropriate and analyzed using NVivo software. The project followed a community-based participatory action research model. Results. Under/unemployment negatively impacted the physical and mental health of participants and their families. It did so directly, for example through social isolation, as well as indirectly through representation in poor quality jobs. Under/unemployment additionally led to the intensification of job search strategies and of the household/caregiving workload which also negatively impacted health. Health problems, in turn, contributed to pushing participants into long-term substandard employment trajectories. Participants’ experiences were heavily structured by their social location as low income racialized immigrant women. Conclusions. Our study provides needed qualitative evidence on the gendered and racialized dimensions of under/unemployment, and adverse health impacts resulting from this. Drawing on intersectional analysis, we unpack the role that social location plays in creating highly uneven patterns of under/unemployment and negative health pathways for racialized immigrant women. We discuss equity informed strategies to help racialized immigrant women overcome barriers to stable work that match their education and/or experience.

In this study, we examine the predictors of unmet demand for unions in non-union workplaces, using the Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS). Unmet demand is defined here, as those employees in non-union workplaces who would be likely to join a union if one were available. We argue that this is the first study in Australia to examine the predictors of unmet demand in non-union workplaces, and, that this is an important line of inquiry given a rise in non-union workplaces and never members in Australia, alongside declining union density and membership numbers. Drawing on three strands of existing literature, namely the individual propensity to unionize, the rise and characteristics of non-union workplaces and alternative forms of representation, and, managerial responsiveness to employees and unions, we develop and test four hypotheses.Our results show, controlling for a range of personal, job and workplace characteristics, that there are two significant predictors of the willingness to join a union in non-union workplaces: perceived union instrumentality (Hypothesis 2) and perceived managerial responsiveness to employees (Hypothesis 4), whereby employees who perceive that managers lack responsiveness are more likely to want to join a union if one were available.These results show that unions must try to enhance their instrumentality in workplaces and could be more effective in recruiting if they targeted never members. The results also show that unions need to have some gauge (measure) of how responsive managers are to employees, and that they can leverage poor responsiveness of managers for membership gain and the extension of organizing. In the final analysis, an understanding of the predictors of unmet demand for unions in non-union workplaces has implications for Australian unions’ servicing and organizing strategies, and for their future growth prospects.

The article reviews the book, "Worker Voice: Employee Representation in the Workplace in Australia, Canada, Germany, the UK and the US, 1914–1939," by Greg Patmore.

This article reviews the book, "From Left to Right: Maternalism and Women's Political Activism in Postwar Canada," by Brian Thorn.

The article reviews the book, "Drawn to Change: Graphic Histories of Working-Class Struggle," edited by the Graphic History Collective .

This article reviews the book, "Reverend Addie Wyatt: Faith and the Fight for Labor, Gender, and Racial Equality," by Marcia Walker-McWilliams.

Canada's labour laws do not adequately protect non-union forms of concerted action - a problematic gap in the legislation, given the increase in alternative models of collective organizing. This article proposes the adoption in Canada of broader protections similar to those found in the United States, where section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act extends protection to concerted action by employees regardless of whether they are unionized or even seeking to unionize. Beginning with a comparison of the current legislative schemes in the two countries, the authors argue that because the limitations to concerted action in Canadian labour law are similar to those in the U.S., the proposal is unlikely to disturb settled law beyond its intent. The positive impacts of adopting section 7-like protection in Canada are canvassed, which include encouraging stronger employee "voice," allowing for increased realization of the constitutional guar- antee of freedom of association, and enabling experimentation with non-union forms of collective representation. These changes would help to balance work- place power dynamics, and allow workers more flexibility in choosing how to advocate for themselves.

Quebec has established special "exemption regimes" to govern the labour relations of two groups of precarious workers: home-based care workers and farm workers. Those regimes give the workers in question limited rights of rep- resentation and collective bargaining but otherwise exclude them from the gen- eral scheme of labour relations set out in the Labour Code. This paper reviews the history of efforts to unionize home care and farm workers in Quebec as well as the ensuing constitutional litigation, which in each case forms the immediate background to the creation of the exemption regime. In the case of home-based care workers, the regime gives workers certain associative rights, including the right to conclude "group agreements" with the responsible Minister respecting terms and conditions of employment, while maintaining an irrebuttable pre- sumption that the workers are self-employed. The author notes that although the unions representing various groups of home-based care workers have made some important gains, the constitutionality of individual elements of the scheme (e.g. restrictions on the permissible scope of bargaining) is open to question and is currently the subject of a challenge in the courts. With respect to farm workers in Quebec - mostly migrants - the applicable legislation gives employees' associations only minimal rights to make representations to the employer, and to discuss those representations with the employer in good faith. In the author's view, the scheme is highly unlikely to permit a meaningful process of collective bargaining, and is therefore also vulnerable to Charter challenge, particularly in the face of the Supreme Court of Canada's 2015 labour trilogy. Ultimately, the author argues, the piecemeal proliferation of exemption regimes is no answer to the emergence of precarious work, and a fundamental reconsideration of the principles of collective representation is necessary.

This article reviews the book, "Black Labor, White Sugar: Caribbean Braceros and their Struggle for Power in the Cuban Sugar Industry," by Philip A. Howard.

The article reviews the book, "Too Great a Burden to Bear: The Struggle and Failure of the Freedmen’s Bureau in Texas," by Christopher B. Bean.

Les syndicats internationaux prennent de l'expansion dans l'industrie de la construction au Québec, entre 1887 et 1930, et en viennent à dominer le paysage syndical. Ces années sont aussi celles où les syndicats parviennent parfois à faire passer les relations de travail de rapport brut avec les employeurs à la négociation et à la signature de contrats collectifs de travail.</p><p>Comme dans le reste de l'Amérique du Nord, les syndicats internationaux de la construction apportent un modèle de relations de travail qui comporte des différences par rapport à celui qui domine dans l'industrie manufacturière. Comme les syndicats dans ces industries, ceux de la construction désirent parvenir à un contrôle partagé de leur milieu de travail en imposant ou en négociant des contrats précisant l'échelle des salaires, les heures de travail, le rôle des agents syndicaux et l'arbitrage des conflits. Mais ils attachent une importance primordiale à l'obtention de l'atelier syndical fermé et à la mise sur pied de bureaux de placement. Il faut dire que la fluidité des lieux de travail et l'instabilité des emplois font en sorte que les ouvriers de la construction, plus que les autres travailleurs, vivent dans l'insécurité. La stratégie utilisée par les syndicats pour pallier à cette insécurité et améliorer les conditions de travail consiste à regrouper la grande majorité des ouvriers d'un métier dans une ville donnée et à obtenir l'atelier syndical fermé sur les chantiers. Ils y greffent les bureaux de placement pour leurs membres, ce qui rend l'appartenance syndicale attrayante, car elle devient source de travail pour les syndiqués. Elle représente aussi une forme de gestion paritaire de la demande de main-d'oeuvre et pour les syndicats, un certain contrôle de l'offre de travail. Pendant la période étudiée, la syndicalisation des ouvriers de la construction leur vaut des avantages significatifs en termes de salaires, d'heures de travail et de règles régissant l'organisation du travail. À Montréal, les briqueteurs et charpentiers-menuisiers doublent leur salaire réel de 1901 à 1930 et voient leur semaine de travail réduite de 60 à 44 heures pour certains d'entre eux.

This article reviews the book, "If We Can Win Here: The New Front Lines of the Labor Movement," by Fran Quigley.

This article uses a case study of a highly publicized 1970 controversy over Canadian Pacific Air Lines’ flight attendant uniforms—specifically, a switch from mini to midi skirt—as a case study in business-labor relations concerning the regulation of women workers’ bodily appearance. Using company and union records and employing a historical, materialist, and feminist analysis, we trace how notions of aesthetic and emotional labor changed over time in relation to the political economy, gender ideologies, and the agency of workers themselves. The flight attendants’ reluctance to challenge the airline’s sexist advertising indicated how both accommodation and resistance were intertwined in complex ways in the workplace. Their acceptance of more “thigh in the sky” had much to do with a highly regulated and disciplined workplace, an entrenched division of labor on the airplane, and gendered notions of beauty and glamour in the industry, including women’s strategic use of beauty on the job to their own advantage.

This article reviews the book, "Kill it to save it – An Autopsy of Capitalism’s Triumph over Democracy," by Corey Dolgon.

This article uses campaign finance data to trace the changing landscape of party-union relations in Ontario. In an analysis of six provincial elections that took place between 1995 and 2014, the authors demonstrate that significant segments of the province's labour movement have abandoned exclusive electoral alliances with the New Democratic Party in favour of multi-partisan strategic voting campaigns designed to block the election of Progressive Conservative candidates.

This article reviews the book, "Migration, Precarity and Global Governance – Challenges and Opportunities for Labour," edited by Carl-Ulrik Schierup, Ronaldo Munck, Branka Likic-Brboric and Anders Neergaard.

The Hunters' Lodge was a secretive, grassroots American social movement that arose during the Patriot War in support of the Canadian Rebellions of 1837–38. However, despite the large number of participants, we know little about those who took part. This article decentres the military narratives that dominate the existing historiography by providing a collective cultural biography (or prosopography) of the Lodge's leadership elected in September 1838 at a Patriot Congress in Cleveland. An examination of the life trajectories of these men indicates their shared prewar participation in three related social movements: freethought, free banking, and Freemasonry. A closer cultural examination of the development and intersection of these movements reveals common ties within the Hunters' Lodge to Owenite utopian socialism as it moved from its communitarian phase to its involvement with an emerging American labour movement. These ties would place the Patriot War participants at the far left of the Democratic Party and in opposition to the concentration of land, wealth, and political power in the developing evangelical-antimasonic-Whig alliance in the aftermath of the financial panic of 1837.

Seafaring remains one of the most adventurous yet dangerous forms of work. Compared to shore-based industrial workers, seafarers suffer a risk of fatality that is up to 11 times higher. Workplace fatality is proved to be harmful to the social, financial and health conditions of surviving families. Although there has been an increase in attention given to the improvement of seafarers’ health and working conditions at sea, the effects of death at sea on surviving families has remained neglected by both researchers and policymakers.Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with eight surviving family members in 2013 and 2014, this study investigates seafarers’ surviving families’ experiences of raising death compensation claims in China, which has the world’s largest population of seafarers. The work-related fatalities occurred between 2005 and 2013. At the time of the study, 2.4 years had elapsed on average since the deaths took place. All research participants reported considerable difficulties in communicating with crewing agencies and contacting ship owners when making compensation claims.This study shows that surviving families are in a vulnerable position when in conflict with companies. It also reveals that weak state prevention forces surviving families to defend their rights through protests. The absence of regulation over organizations involved in foreign-related employment relationships exacerbates the economic loss and mental harm suffered by surviving families following the occurrence of workplace fatalities. Furthermore, current legal and administrative procedures are unable to restore justice and provide therapeutic help for surviving families. Consequently, surviving families have suffered considerable financial loss and additional psychological harm in claim processes.

Some years ago, both Ontario and British Columbia amended their employment standards legislation to require employees in unionized workplaces to adjudicate their employment standards claims through their collective agree- ments. Unions at the time objected to the downloading of costs of public rights enforcement onto grievance arbitration - rightly, in the author's view, because grievance arbitration is designed to resolve disputes arising from private law generated by collective bargaining, not to enforce individual rights conferred by public law. By placing employment standards claims within the exclusive juris- diction of arbitrators, the amendments made those statutory rights part of the "bundle" that is subject to the compromises and tradeoffs inherent in collective agreement dispute resolution. The author acknowledges that there are compel- ling reasons to consolidate the adjudication of workplace disputes, including the potential for duplicative litigation, and the fact that private and public rights are closely intertwined in the modern workplace. What is needed, she suggests, is a custom-designed public tribunal, along the lines of a "labour court," with plenary jurisdiction to enforce both public and private rights, operating on prin- ciples that recognize society's interest in access to justice and equality before the law. She calls for further research to determine the impact of blending public and private rights enforcement systems on collective bargaining as an institution and on the welfare of unionized employees.