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Portrays nonprofit social services as a largely female, increasingly diverse workforce with a strong care ethic. Concludes that values of social justice and social unionism are integral both to worker engagement and resistance of state austerity and managerialism.

The "accommodation gap" refers to the shortfall between those accom- modations which persons with disabilities require in order to work, and those workplace accommodations which they actually receive. This paper argues that the accommodation gap raises important issues for policy-makers in Canada, given the growing participation of older workers in the labour market and the fact that the incidence of disability increases with age. Such issues include the loss of productivity, higher poverty rates, increased cost of social programs, and failure to achieve the goals of human rights legislation. Using the results of an extensive analysis of data obtained from Statistics Canada's 2006 Participation and Activity Limitation Survey, the authors inquire into three questions: (1) Is there a workplace accommodation gap in Canada, and if there is, how big is it and whom does it affect? (2) Is it associated with age or aging, and there- fore likely to be aggravated by the aging of the Canadian population? (3) Are its causes likely to elude complaint-driven enforcement of human rights law because they are systemic? In answering these questions, the studyfinds that a large number of Canadians (about 35%) do not receive accommodations they need to work productively, or at all. Furthermore, the results show that the older the worker and the more severe his or her disability, the greater the accommo- dation gap. The authors suggest that thisfinding supports the view that employ- ers' decisions on whether to provide accommodation are influenced by economic considerations, stereotypes about the link between age and disability, the fact that certain types of accommodation may conflict with workplace culture, and other factors. Finally, the paper contends that the enforcement mechanism cur- rently in place is probably inadequate to deal with the accommodation gap, in view of the systemic nature of many of its causes. The authors set out a number of alternative options which may be more effective in closing the accommodation gap, and propose that those options be considered as part of a comprehensive policy review.

Dans un contexte où la qualité de vie au travail, le bien-être et la santé psychologique des employés sont actuellement au coeur des préoccupations des gestionnaires et des milieux de travail, les enjeux de santé organisationnelle deviennent incontournables. Or, malgré l’intérêt grandissant des chercheurs et des praticiens, la notion de santé organisationnelle a été l’objet de diverses conceptualisations et représente encore aujourd’hui un objet d’étude en pleine évolution. Dans cet ordre d’idées, cet article propose de faire une synthèse des approches contemporaines de la santé organisationnelle et d’investiguer comment cette thématique est abordée par les chercheurs québécois. Pour ce faire, une recension des écrits a d’abord été effectuée afin d’établir un portrait des connaissances acquises à ce jour. Ensuite, une enquête consultative a été réalisée auprès d’experts scientifiques québécois. À la fois les écrits et les experts consultés rapportent que la santé organisationnelle est un concept qui prend plusieurs sens, qui nécessite l’adoption d’une perspective plus globale et qui s’élargit à d’autres sphères que le travail. Or, contrairement à la documentation, les experts abordent surtout les aspects de la santé psychologique et moins la santé physique, et ils considèrent essentiellement les facteurs organisationnels comme des préoccupations de recherche future dans le domaine. Les résultats obtenus permettent de dresser un état des connaissances sur le concept de santé organisationnelle et son évolution, tout en identifiant les tendances émergentes susceptibles d’influencer les orientations scientifiques futures pour le regroupement stratégique en santé psychologique au travail du Réseau de recherche en santé et sécurité du travail du Québec. // More than thirty years after the adoption of the Quebec Act respecting occupational health and safety (AROHS), the regulations respecting the prevention programme (PP), the health programme specific to the establishment, joint OHS committees (JOHSC) and workers' safety representatives (WSR) have not yet been implemented in all occupational sectors, as was the original intention. The AROHS contains provisions respecting JOHSC's and WSR's on construction sites that are still not in force. In the vast majority of Canadian jurisdictions, measures such as the PP, the JOHSC and the WSR (in small workplaces) are mandatory in all economic sectors. The fact that these provisions at the heart of the AROHS do not cover all economic activity sectors cannot be justified based on scientific knowledge and on their application in other jurisdictions. Their adoption could, in the future, serve as the foundation for other measures that are required to respond to the changes in employment relations and the nature of work.

Utilizing a convenience sample of nearly 2000 respondents drawn from administrative data, this study finds 43.7 percent of adolescents (aged 12-14) and 61.5 percent of young persons (aged 15-17) in the Canadian province of Alberta reported employment in 2011/12. Of those employed, 49.7 percent of adolescents and 59.0 percent of young persons reported at least one work-related injury in the previous year. This study also identifies widespread non-reporting of workplace injuries and seemingly ineffective hazard identification and safety training. These results add to the growing evidence that the regulation of teenage employment in Alberta fails to adequately protect these workers from injury.

The article reviews the book, "Still Dying for a Living: Corporate Criminal Liability After the Westray Mine Disaster," by Steven Bittle.

The article reviews the book, "American Labor, Congress, and the Welfare State, 1935-2010," by Tracy Roof.

The article reviews the book, "L’activité des clients : un travail ?," edited by Sophie Bernard, Marie-Anne Dujarier and Guillaume Salariale.

The article reviews the book, "Fragiles compétences," edited by Sophie Bretesché and Cathy Krohmer.

The article reviews the book, "Good Lands: A Meditation and History on the Great Plains," by Frances W. Kaye.

The article reviews the book, "Gouverner les fins de carrière à distance. Outplacement et vieillissement actif en emploi," by Thibauld Moulaert.

The article reviews the book, "Gouverner les fins de carrière à distance. Outplacement et vieillissement actif en emploi," by Thibauld Moulaert.

From its inception in 1966, the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) has grown to employ approximately 20,000 workers annually, the majority from Mexico. The program has been hailed as a model that alleviates human rights concerns because, under contract, SAWP workers travel legally, receive health benefits, contribute to pensions, are represented by Canadian consular officials, and rate the program favorably. Tomorrow We?re All Going to the Harvest takes us behind the ideology and examines the daily lives of SAWP workers from Tlaxcala, Mexico (one of the leading sending states), observing the great personal and family price paid in order to experience a temporary rise in a standard of living. The book also observes the disparities of a gutted Mexican countryside versus the flourishing agriculture in Canada, where farm labor demand remains high. Drawn from extensive surveys and nearly two hundred interviews, ethnographic work in Ontario (destination of over 77 percent of migrants in the author?s sample), and quantitative data, this is much more than a case study; it situates the Tlaxcala-Canada exchange within the broader issues of migration, economics, and cultural currents. Bringing to light the historical genesis of ?complementary? labor markets and the contradictory positioning of Mexican government representatives, Leigh Binford also explores the language barriers and nonexistent worker networks in Canada, as well as the physical realities of the work itself, making this book a complete portrait of a provocative segment of migrant labor. --Publisher's description

Despite the abolition of mandatory retirement in most Canadian jurisdic- tions, statutory provisions generally still permit the denial of employment-re- lated benefits to workers aged 65 or over, or allow such benefits to be provided at a lower level than for workers under age 65. In ONA v. Chatham-Kent, an Ontario arbitrator upheld the constitutionality of provisions in that province's Human Rights Code and Employment Standards Act excluding workers over 65 from protection against age discrimination in the area of employment benefits, holding that while the impugned provisions infringed the equality rights set out in section 15 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, they were nonetheless justified under section 1 as a reasonable limit on those rights. Writing from the perspective of advocates for unions and employees, the authors review the development of the case law on mandatory retirement, drawing particular atten- tion to the "long shadow" cast by the Supreme Court of Canada's 1990 decision in McKinney. They go on to identify what they see as the flaws in the legal rea- soning of the award in Chatham-Kent, especially the arbitrator's acceptance of the notion (inherited in large part from the McKinney decision) that age is "dif- ferent" from other types of prohibited discrimination and his failure to closely scrutinize the legislature's policy choices with respect to employment benefits for older workers. Lastly, the authors extrapolate a number of lessons that may assist litigators in future challenges to statutory provisions that discriminate on the basis of age, notably the importance of framing section 15 claims by reference to intersecting grounds of discrimination (such as age and gender or disability) and of advocating for a lower level of deference to the legislature.

Il est bien connu que les immigrants rencontrent plusieurs difficultés d’intégration dans le marché du travail canadien. Notamment, ils gagnent des salaires inférieurs aux natifs et ils sont plus susceptibles que ces derniers d’occuper des emplois précaires ou pour lesquels ils sont surqualifiés. Dans cette recherche, nous avons traité de ces trois problèmes sous l’angle de la qualité d’emploi. À partir des données des recensements de la population de 1991 à 2006, nous avons comparé l’évolution de la qualité d’emploi des immigrants et des natifs au Canada, mais aussi au Québec, en Ontario et en Colombie-Britannique. Ces comparaisons ont mis en évidence la hausse du retard de qualité d’emploi des immigrants par rapport aux natifs dans tous les lieux analysés, mais plus particulièrement au Québec. Le désavantage des immigrants persiste même lorsqu’on tient compte du capital humain, des caractéristiques démographiques et du taux de chômage à l’entrée dans le marché du travail. La scolarité, l’expérience professionnelle globale et les connaissances linguistiques améliorent la qualité d’emploi des immigrants et des natifs. Toutefois, lorsqu’on fait la distinction entre l’expérience de travail canadienne et l’expérience de travail étrangère, on s’aperçoit que ce dernier type d’expérience réduit la qualité d’emploi des immigrants. Dans ces circonstances, nous trouvons incohérent que le Canada et le Québec continuent à insister sur ce critère dans leur grille de sélection des travailleurs qualifiés. Pour valoriser les candidats les plus jeunes ayant peu d’expérience de travail dans leur pays d’origine, nous suggérons d’accroître l’importance accordée à l’âge dans ces grilles au détriment de l’expérience. Les jeunes, les étudiants étrangers et les travailleurs temporaires qui possèdent déjà une expérience de travail au Canada nous apparaissent comme des candidats à l’immigration par excellence. Par contre, les résultats obtenus à l’aide de la méthode de décomposition de Blinder-Oaxaca ont montré que l’écart de qualité d’emploi entre les immigrants et les natifs découle d’un traitement défavorable envers les immigrants dans le marché du travail. Cela signifie que les immigrants sont pénalisés au chapitre de la qualité d’emploi à la base, et ce, peu importe leurs caractéristiques. Dans ce contexte, la portée de tout ajustement aux grilles de sélection risque d’être limitée. Nous proposons donc d’agir également en aval du problème à l’aide des politiques d’aide à l’intégration des immigrants. Pour ce faire, une meilleure concertation entre les acteurs du marché du travail est nécessaire. Les ordres professionnels, le gouvernement, les employeurs et les immigrants eux-mêmes doivent s’engager afin d’établir des parcours accélérés pour la reconnaissance des compétences des nouveaux arrivants. Nos résultats indiquent aussi que le traitement défavorable à l’égard des immigrants dans le marché du travail est plus prononcé au Québec qu’en Ontario et en Colombie-Britannique. Il se peut que la société québécoise soit plus réfractaire à l’immigration vu son caractère francophone et minoritaire dans le reste de l’Amérique du Nord. Pourtant, le désir de protéger la langue française motive le Québec à s’impliquer activement en matière d’immigration depuis longtemps et la grille de sélection québécoise insiste déjà sur ce critère. D’ailleurs, près des deux tiers des nouveaux arrivants au Québec connaissent le français en 2011. It is well documented that immigrants face many difficulties in the Canadian labour market. Particularly, compared to native-born, they earn lower wages, occupy more precarious jobs and are often overqualified. In this research, we discuss these three issues in terms of job quality. Using the data from the 1991 to 2006 Canadian population censuses, we compare the trends in job quality of immigrants and native-born in Canada, Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia. These comparisons highlight the rising gap in job quality between immigrants and native-born in the four geographical areas, but especially in Quebec. This gap persists even after controlling human capital, demographic variables and unemployment rate at entry in the labour market. Overall, we found that education, work experience and language skills improve the job quality of immigrants and their native-born counterparts. However, when we separate Canadian and foreign work experience, we find that the latter type of experience reduces job quality of immigrants. In these circumstances, it is counterproductive that Canada and Quebec continue to insist on this criterion in the point systems. We also suggest increasing the importance of age in the point systems in order to encourage the admission of younger candidates with little or no foreign experience. Youth, foreign students and temporary workers who already have work experience in Canada appear to be ideal candidates for immigration. Nevertheless, using Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition method, we show that the job quality gap between immigrants and natives is mainly due to unfavourable treatment of immigrants in the labour market. This means that immigrants are penalized in terms of job quality regardless of their characteristics. In this context, the selection of the best candidates for immigration may produce a limited effect. We therefore suggest acting downstream with public policy to support employment integration of immigrants. To do so, a better coordination between all actors in the labour market is required. Professional orders, government, employers and immigrants must establish accelerated pathways of skills recognition for newcomers. In addition, our results indicate that the treatment of immigrants in the labour market is more problematic in Quebec compared to Ontario and British Columbia. It is likely that Quebec society is less open to immigration given its francophone character and its minority status in North America. Since the beginning, the desire to protect the French language motivates Quebec to be actively involved in immigration and the Quebec point system already emphasizes this criterion. Moreover, nearly two-thirds of newcomers to Quebec speak French in 2011.

The article reviews the book, "Black Internationalist Feminism: Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945-1995," by Cheryl Higashida.

Working-class poliltical activity at the municipal level in Regina began in 1914 on the initiative of members of the Regina Trades and Labour Council. Early on trade unionists reached out to the city's middle class, and together they founded a succession of Labour political parties in the 1920s. After 1930 members of the Canadian Brotherhood of Railway Employees also became involved. Success came in 1935, when the Civic Labour League, an informal alliance of social democrats and communists, won the mayoralty and a majority of the aldermanic seats on city council. Labour maintained its hold over City Hall until the end of the decade, but it did not accomplish much. It could not convince the province's Liberal government to take over full responsibility for the cost of relief or enact a special city charter that would give Regina wider powers (to construct social housing for example) and new sources of revenue. Then in 1939 Labour's political fortunes shifted dramatically. Accusations of communist influence in the selection of the Labour slate played into the hands of the city's business community, Regina's daily newspapers, and the Civic Voters' Association, which was founded on the eve of the civic election, and Labour suffered a crushing defeat.

Examines the "politicization of caring" and the contest for the public trust between nurses and the state since 1960. Concludes that nurse militancy demonstrates how the battle against austerity can be fought.

Drawing on nurses strikes in many countries [including Canada], this article situates nurse militancy within the context of health care restructuring and neo-liberalism, the gendered construction of nursing work, the feminization of union density and of strikes, and gendered militancy. It explores the emergence of a militant discourse among nurses focussed on the public interest, what I call the politicisation of caring, which has supported a new approach to the ethics of striking. --Author's introduction

We investigate differences in labour market transition rates between high and low minimum wage regimes using Canadian data spanning 1979–2008. We find that higher minimum wages result in lower hiring rates but also lower job separation rates. Importantly, the reduced separation rates are due mainly to reductions in layoffs, occur in the first six months of a job and are present for unskilled workers of all ages. Thus, jobs in higher minimum wage regimes are more stable but harder to get. For older workers, these effects are almost exactly offsetting, resulting in little impact on the employment rate.