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A study presents a quantitative retrospective evaluation of 3 Canadian occupational projections covering the period of 1961 to 1981 in an attempt to assess their usefulness as a guide to education and training policies. Using appropriately adjusted, detailed occupational data from the 1961, 1971, and 1981 Canadian censuses, the results indicate that for broad categories, such projections do appear to provide reasonable results. For the major occupational groups, all 3 projections were within a range of plus or minus 10% of the ex post actual employment for the majority of the groups. As might be expected, the projection accuracy declined as the occupational detail increased. However, these ex post evaluations do suggest that a variable coefficients model can provide useful additional information for occupational projections. The results do not suggest that it is possible to simply take on faith the results of any occupational projection.

In the first half of the twentieth century, many of Toronto's immigrant Jews eked out a living in the needle-trade sweatshops of Spadina Avenue. In response to their expliotation on the shop floor, immigrant Jewish garment workers built one of the most advanced sections of the Canadian and American labour movements. Much more than a collective bargaining agency, Toronto's Jewish labour movement had a distinctly socialist orientation and grew out of a vibrant Jewish working-class culture. Ruth Frager examines the development of this unique movement, its sources of strength, and its limitations, focusing particularly on the complex interplay of class, ethnic, and gender interests and identities in the history of the movement. She examines the relationships between Jewish workers and Jewish manufacturers as well as relations between Jewish and non-Jewish workers and male and female workers in the city's clothing industry. In its prime, Toronto's Jewish labour movement struggled not only to improve hard sweatshop condistions but also to bring about a fundamental socialist transformation. It was an uphill battle. Drastic economic downturns, hard employer offensives, and state repressions all worked against unionists' workplace demands. Ethnic, gender, and ideological divisions weakened the movement and were manipulated by employers and their allies. Drawing on her knowledge of Yiddish, Frager has been able to gain access to original records that shed new light on an important chapter in Canadian ethnic, labour, and women's history. --Publisher's description

The resignation of J.B. McClachlan from the Communist Party of Canada in 1936 is one of the more controversial episodes in the biography of a well-known Canadian labour radical. He was one of the few party leaders to enjoy wide recognition and popular support. His resignation was a difficult personal decision as well as a significant episode in the history of the party. In previous accounts his resignation has been presented ultimately as a repudiation of labour radicalism generally and the Communist Party in particular, as a protest against the adoption of the united front in 1935, or as a form of local and personal political exceptionalism. McLachlan himself made no formal public announcement of his resignation and, except for an impromptu speech at a public meeting in September 1936, he remained largely silent. In response to a letter from party general secretary Tim Buck he prepared a personal explanation of his withdrawal from the party in June 1936. This document, which is reproduced at the end of this article, remains the most important single piece of evidence concerning his resignation. An analysis of the circumstances leading to McLachlan's resignation shows that he did not regard his resignation as a repudiation of basic principles. He had supported the move towards the united front both internationally and domestically but disagreed with the implementation of the policy by the party leadership, especially sa demonstrated in the case of the Amalgamated Mine Workers of Nova Scotia. McLachlan's view of the united front, which he considered to be consistent with the position of the Communist International, stressed the principles of internal democracy and local autonomy in the construction of the united front. In McLachlan's view there were already enough indications to show that leaders such as John L. Lewis had not been fundamentally transformed and that in the long run the decision to endorse an alliance of convenience with the established labour bureaucracy was an ambiguous legacy for the class struggle. In 1936 McLachlan was overtaken by events, but given his own history he was in a position to perceive the difficulties ahead more clearly than most of his contemporaries.

La précarité de l'emploi caractérise de plus en plus la culture contemporaine du travail. Les individus sont appelés par conséquent à subir des transitions sur le marché du travail. Certaines sont volontaires mais plus de 80 % sont involontaires et parmi les personnes qui subissent de telles transitions une première fois, plus de la moitié subiront une transition subséquente. Nous nous attardons ici aux seules transitions entre l'entrée et la sortie en emploi, qui touchent plus du tiers de la population active à chaque année au Canada, d'après les données recueillies par Statistique Canada auprès de plus de 65 000 personnes au cours des années 1986 et 1987.

The article reviews the book, "Life and Labor on the Border: Working People of North-Eastern Sonora, Mexico, 1886-1986," by Josiah McC. Heyman.

The article reviews the book, "Combination and Conspiracy: A Legal History of Trade Unionism 1821-1906" by John V. Orth.

The article reviews and comments extensively on the book, "Socialism Unbound," by Stephen Eric Bronner.

The article reviews the book, "A la Jonction du Mouvement Ouvrier et du Mouvement des Femmes: La Ligue Auxiliaire de l'Association Internationale des Machinistes, Canada, 1903-1980," by Sylvie Murray.

The ideologies of Canadian industrial relations (IR) scholars are analyzed. At the descriptive level, it would appear that a considerable majority of the scholars, perhaps as high as 70%, adhere to beliefs consistent with either a liberal-reformist or a radical ideology, even though there is widespread support for many of the arguments associated with the "new cooperativism." It would also appear that, whatever the content of ideology, its structure remains by and large one-dimensional. The findings also suggest that scholars who report that they specialize in IR or are affiliated primarily with an IR school tend to be more left-wing than their counterparts in economics and management. This would appear to reflect an ideological partitioning of the field among different schools. In turn, ideology would appear to have important implications for the pedagogy of scholars and the orientation they are likely to convey to future decision makers.

Le syndicat des employé(e)s de magasins et de bureaux de la SAQ a organisé la première grève dans le secteur public. Pierre Godin rend hommage à ce syndicat d'avant-garde en commémorant son évolution. --Description de l'éditeur

The article reviews the book, "Filles et familles en milieu ouvier: Hull, Québec à la fin du XIXe siècle," by Odette Vincent Domey.

This is a case study of one Native community that attempted to end the cycle of poverty and underdevelopment by encouraging investment by a multinational corporation. The authors examine the impact the investment has had on social relations within the community. Specifically it is argued that this path of development has followed modernization principles similar to those undertaken in many Third World countries. While such investment creates jobs in the community, it also leads to economic exploitation and dependency, while furthering factionalization in terms of politics and culture.

The article reviews the book, "Industrial Relations in Canadian Industries," edited by Richard P. Chaykowski and Anil Verma.

The article reviews the book, "School Teaching In Canada," by Alexander Lockhart.

Beyond Regina examines the reaction in Manitoba and Ontario to the On to Ottawa Trek, specifically in the cities the marchers would have passed through had they not been stopped in the capital of Saskatchewan: Winnipeg, Fort William and Port Arthur, Sudbury, Toronto and Ottawa. Two major studies on the Trek appeared in the 1980s, Victor Howard's We Were the Salt of the Earth and Lome A. Brown's When Freedom Was Lost. Both monographs offer copious detail on the Trekkers and their journey from Vancouver to Regina, something necessary to provide true context to the event. A national mantle is claimed for the march by the respective authors but the lack of substance in this area effectively renders the event a regional protest movement. The thesis examines in particular the extent and nature of Trek support in various Manitoba and Ontario cities. It seeks to provide a broader perspective on the On to Ottawa Trek and therein a more comprehensive portrait of the event.