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The article reviews the book, "Coxey's Army: Popular Protest in the Gilded Age," by Benjamin F. Alexander.

The article reviews the book, "Race, Nation, and Reform Ideology in Winnipeg, 1880s–1920s," by Kurt Korneski.

Thiis article reviews the book, "Réguler l’économie : l’apport des organisations patronales," edited by Danièle Fraboulet, Michel Margairaz and Pierre Verrus.

This article reviews the book, "A Place in the Sun: Haiti, Haitians, and the Remaking of Quebec," by Sean Mills.

The Gouzenko Affair is referred to as the event that started the Cold War. This article draws on recently declassified documents that shed new light on Britain's role in this affair, particularly that of the Foreign Office and the British High Commissioner to Canada. The documents reveal how the British had a major part in directing the response to Igor Gouzenko's defection in 1945. This event revealed the need for increased counterespionage security, but it also became a spectacle that directed the public's attention away from the British connection: specifically, the role of Alan Nunn May, a British nuclear scientist who had provided the Soviets with classified information. Instead, the public's interest was centred on Soviet spies, communism as a subversive force, and the brewing Soviet-US conflict. These newly declassified sources demonstrate how it was the British intelligence services and the British government that went to great lengths to help focus the public's attention in this direction. They took great pains to direct Canadian policymaking, which included working to discourage Canada's prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King from handling the affair privately with the Soviet ambassador, and were likely behind the infamous press leak to US reporter Drew Pearson that forced King to call a Royal Commission and publicize the affair. With the help of the British government and intelligence services, the Cold War began.

Les métiers de service de primo contact avec un public révèlent la centralité de l’émotion dans l’interaction professionnels-usagers. À cet égard, l’institution policière représente un terrain d’étude archétypal du travail et de la régulation de l’émotion par les agents. Par une recherche qualitative menée au sein d’une brigade anticriminalité, la présente étude a pour dessein de modéliser le processus émotionnel au travail, en se fondant sur le cadre théorique de l’évaluation cognitive, des compétences émotionnelles, du travail émotionnel et des statuts de l’émotion au travail. Cette réflexion s’inscrit en réaction aux enjeux actuels de santé et de sécurité au travail, ainsi que la qualité du service offert, qui exigent de la Gestion des ressources humaines (GRH) une prise en compte manifeste du rôle des émotions au travail.

The article reviews the book, "Security/Capital: A General Theory of Pacification," by George S. Rigakos.

This paper evaluates the potential of the framework of reasonable accom- modation under Canadian human rights legislation to respond adequately to the workplace discrimination claims of minorities, particularly racialized Muslim women. Developing the premise that religious freedom and gender equality are not mutually exclusive, the author considers the legislative and judicial context of multiculturalism in Canada, as exemplified by the R. v. NS case (dealing with whether a witness in legal proceedings may wear a niqab while testifying) and by certain legislative initiatives (such as the federal Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act and the Quebec Charter of Values) that reflect a climate of growing xenophobia and islamophobia and that reinforce the "otherness" of minority racialized women under the pretext of secularism and gender equality. The paper then examines more closely the existing legal framework for rea- sonable accommodation in the workplace, arguing that the rigorous standard adopted by the Supreme Court in Meiorin was weakened and devalued in subse- quent decisions such as McGill and Hydro-Qu6bec. Ultimately, the author con- tends, state multiculturalism should be challenged and reconceptualized through the prism of critical multiculturalism, in order to move away from a simplistic emphasis on cultural difference and to address the underlying systemic issues of racism and discrimination. Furthermore, she argues, the notion of reasonable accommodation should be reformulated to shift the focus away from accommo- dation of minority women as tolerated exceptions to the norm, and towards the achievement of substantive equality through structural change.

This article reviews the book, "Working Through the Past: Labor and Authoritarian Legacies in Comparative Perspective," edited by Teri L. Caraway, Maria Lorena Cook, and Stephen Crowley.

Though rare in Canada, community benefits agreements (cbas) are now commonly being negotiated by labour-community coalitions in American cities. cbas require "urban revitalization" projects to provide living wages, affordable housing, and access to jobs for marginalized residents. Surprisingly little has been written about cbas within the labour studies literature, and most critiques of cbas correspond with private developments. This case study draws on three years of participatory, action-based fieldwork with a labour-community coalition, called the Toronto Community Benefits Network (hereafter, the Network). Formed in 2013, the Network tried to negotiate the first-ever cba with the Ontario government, linked to the $6.6 billion Eglinton Crosstown Light Rail Transit project in Toronto. The Network won discursive support for cbas from provincial policymakers, but demands for employment equity were met with only an ineffective workplace-development approach. I explain and evaluate the Network's "insider strategy" in relation to political vulnerabilities of the government of Ontario; the Network's efforts to mobilize resources and gain union support; and the changing labour-relations regime governing infrastructure projects in Toronto. I argue that while cbas open a new terrain of struggle for marginalized groups and unions to assert a right to the city, these struggles are being coopted by governments and used as political cover for deepening neoliberal governance.

This paper focuses on safety on multi-employer worksites in high-risk industries. Relevant industries are those that utilize flexible labour arrangements and specialization, such as construction, mining and petroleum production, and that traditionally have been high-risk due to hazards in the physical work environment and the occurrence of unsafe work processes and practices. These industries also share common characteristics in matters of overall work environments, multi-employer worksites (including subcontracting chains), as well as tasks performed by contractors, making it relevant to explore and clarify the situation regarding the safety of the affected groups. A comprehensive review is performed of 43 peer-reviewed research articles published up until early 2015, with a main focus on international studies covering safety issues on multi-employer worksites in construction and industrial work settings such as mining, petroleum production and manufacturing.The results show that previous research has focused on a number of key issues that may be divided into three broad categories: 1- contract work characteristics; 2- structural/organizational factors and conditions; 3- cultural conditions. Much of the focus is on structure and organization, for example, how multi-employer arrangements can lead to breakdowns in communication and overall disorganization effects in relation to safety. There is, however, a need for further studies on the nature of these structural and organizational factors and conditions, such as focused studies on the consequences of power asymmetry for the ability of contractors to adhere to safety laws and regulations. Furthermore, we argue that the development towards blurred organizational boundaries in these networks due to extensive outsourcing and long-term contracts may be a worthwhile avenue for future research into safety on multi-employer worksites.

Cet article s'intéresse à la façon dont les discours en circulation au Québec parlent de la pauvreté urbaine dans un contexte de prospérité. Il met en lumière la coexistence, pendant les années qui suivent la Seconde Guerre mondiale, d'une vision « individualisante » de la pauvreté avec une conception plus « socialisante » assimilant ce phénomène à une injustice. Il soutient aussi qu'un changement de paradigme s'effectue dans les années 1960 et 1970, la pauvreté commençant à être appréhendée en lien avec la société de consommation en voie de consolidation. Dans ce contexte, la pauvreté qui perdure en dépit de mesures prises pour l'enrayer dérange de plus en plus et en vient à être assimilée à un phénomène social dont l'injustice est exacerbée par les valeurs de la consommation de masse et la prospérité ambiante qui le rendent d'autant plus inacceptable.

This paper provides evidence of the impact of three important and general policies shaping the degree of labor market rigidity on the labor share: welfare expenditures, government ex- penditures on active labor market programs, and passive labor market measures. It analyses the impact of regulation, such as the intensity of employment protection, and evaluates whether trade unions and minimum wage institutions play a role in the relationship between all measures and the labor share. The labor income share has experienced a declining trend since the mid- 1970s in most advanced economies, and the existing literature found little if no correlation of this decline to general labor market characteristics. However, the present paper finds that some in- stitutions are correlated to the downward trend, depending on the welfare system adopted, and that welfare and employment protection counteract the decline. Moreover, many countries saw an upsurge in their labor share after the burst of the financial crisis. Evidence of whether the effect of the policies weakened or reinforced the labor share after 2007 is reported.

This article examines the efforts of feminist unions to organize childcare workers in 1970s Vancouver, British Columbia, and highlights the entrenched opposition to union organizing by women considered to be “just babysitters.” These workers’ efforts challenged the “love-versus-money” divide that hampered women’s organizing efforts in the care sector. Vancouver childcare workers, working in alliance with parents, insisted on the public importance of their traditionally private work. In doing so, they connected their fight for better working conditions with the fight for universal childcare. They linked women’s struggles in the workplace to calls for the redistribution of society’s caregiving responsibilities away from families and the market and toward the state. Government intransigence prevented meaningful childcare policy reform, but workers’ efforts highlighted a key moment in Vancouver’s feminist and labor history when the fair treatment of care workers was linked to the liberation of all women.

This article reviews "Labor’s Love Lost: The Rise and Fall of the Working-Class Family in America," by Andrew J. Cherlin, "Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis," by J.D. Vance, "Fighting for Total Person Unionism: Harold Gibbons, Ernest Calloway, and Working-Class Citizenship," by Robert Bussel, "Conservative Counterrevolution: Challenging Liberalism in 1950s Milwaukee," by Tula A. Connell, and "Reframing Randolph: Labor, Black Freedom, and the Legacies of A. Philip Randolph," edited by Andrew E. Kersten and Clarence Lang.

This article reviews the book, "Health and Safety in Canadian Workplaces," by Jason Foster and Bob Barnetson.

This article reviews the book, "Dialogue social, relations du travail et syndicalisme : perspectives historiques et internationales," edited by Paul-André Lapointe,

Thiis article reviews the book, "Quand travailler enferme dans la pauvreté et la précarité : travailleuses et travailleurs pauvres au Québec et dans le monde," by Carole Yerochewski.

Taverns and inns were centres of neighbourhood life, places for travellers seeking meals, drink, and accommodation and commercial and domestic spaces where keepers and their families earned a living and that they called home. Women figured largely in public houses as patrons, servants, family members, and publicans in their own right. The article focuses on a sample of 90 female publicans who held tavern licences from 1840 to 1860, arguing that keeping these establishments afforded them distinct levels of economic independence and power. It considers broadly those characteristics that constituted ideal female keepers in mid-nineteenth-century Montreal and how they maintained a respectable status precisely at a moment when alcohol consumption and associated licensed and unlicensed commercial sites were coming increasing under scrutiny by temperance advocates, authorities of the criminal justice system, and elites. To retain their licences, female keepers had to negotiate the landmines of respectability by following licensing regulations, maintaining a reputable demeanour, and regulating the public house’s culture and clientele.

This article reviews the book, "In Love and Struggle: The Revolutionary Lives of James and Grace Lee Boggs," by Stephen M. Ward.