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In the 1970s, women in Toronto created the Waitresses Action Committee to protest the introduction of a "differential" or lower minimum wage for wait staff serving alcohol. Their campaign was part of their broader feminist critique of women's exploitation and the gendered and sexualized nature of waitressing. Influenced by their origins in the Wages for Housework campaign, they stressed the linkages between women's unpaid work in the home and the workplace. Their campaign eschewed worksite organizing for an occupational mobilization outside of the established unions; they used petitions, publicity, and alliances with sympathizers to try to stop the rollback in their wages. They were successful in mobilizing support but not in altering the government's decision. Nonetheless, their spirited campaign publicized new feminist perspectives on women's gendered and sexualized labour, and it contributed to the ongoing labour feminist project of enhancing working-class women's equality, dignity, and economic autonomy. An analysis of their mobilization also helps to enrich and complicate our understanding of labour and socialist feminism in this period.

In this article, I will analyze the ways in which Brazilian workers are using social media to organize and mobilize. Although analysis of social media use has made great progress, in the case of worker movements it still needs further development. I will focus on the experience of Brazilian app-based delivery workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite their dispersion across the country, delivery workers were able to carry out two national strikes through intense use of WhatsApp, Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. Using qualitative analysis of posts from worker organizations on social media, it was possible to identify the challenges faced by these movements when using digital media. Social media helped solve some organizational and communication problems, while producing others that workers had to deal with.

The covid-19 pandemic severely disrupted the education system in Canada from March 2020 throughout the 2020–21 school year. It also had disproportionate secondary effects on women in terms of unpaid care, economic loss, and poor mental health. This article explores the lived experience of women educators in the province of Alberta, drawing on interviews and focus groups with 39 educators. Findings indicate that the pandemic not only exacerbated the triple burden that women educators, in particular, bear but added additional layers of responsibility related to public health management, educating children at home, elder care responsibilities, and emotional labour. The essential role women educators fulfilled within the covid-19 response, at work and at home, cost them time, professional development opportunities, mental wellness, and the positive rewards that had drawn them to the educational field. Current concerns around educator burnout and retention may be mitigated by acting on the recommendations of women educators regarding the development of more equitable education systems and social policy.

Le présent article soutient que la rétention du personnel demeure une priorité essentielle pour de nombreux employeurs, même si ces derniers deviennent de moins en moins enclins à offrir des emplois stables. La recherche a montré que, face à cette précarité croissante de l’emploi, les travailleurs adoptent des stratégies individuelles de progression professionnelle axées sur la mobilité entre entreprises, lesquelles viennent renforcer les inquiétudes des employeurs en ce qui concerne le roulement du personnel. Cet article défend l’importance pour les chercheurs en relations industrielles d’étudier de plus près les pratiques organisationnelles qui restreignent la mobilité des employés, c’est-à-dire les « stratégies de capture des travailleurs ». Celles-ci se distinguent des autres pratiques en matière de mobilité du fait qu’elles sont unilatérales et qu’elles visent une réduction du roulement du personnel sans nécessairement chercher à favoriser un sentiment d’engagement ou de loyauté chez les employés.

This paper argues that employee retention remains a key priority for many employers, even as they become less likely to offer stable employment. In the face of increased job insecurity, researchers have shown that workers have adopted personalized career progression strategies that emphasize inter-firm mobility. Such strategies heighten employer concerns about employee turnover. The paper argues that the industrial relations literature would gain from closer study of organizational practices that restrict employee mobility, i.e., “worker capture strategies.” Such practices stand out from other mobility-reducing ones because they are unilateral and aim to reduce turnover without necessarily fostering a sense of commitment or loyalty among employees.

Depuis la pandémie, un nombre croissant d’employés travaillent partiellement ou totalement à distance et en présentiel selon leur volonté ou des balises définies par leur employeur. Cette étude explore (1) les liens entre l’adoption de ces modes de travail qualifiés d’« hybride » (un changement d’organisation du travail important qui a modifié, entre autres, les lieux, les heures et la charge de travail) et diverses formes de comportement hostiles parmi le personnel ; (2) les moyens de prévenir et contrer l’émergence de comportements hostiles dans un contexte de travail hybride appelé à s’intensifier.

In 2019, Regina’s Co-operative Refinery Complex locked out the 730 members of Unifor Local 594 amid record profits in an aggressive drive for significant pension concessions. Marred by sweeping antipicketing injunctions, an enormous scab operation, police repression, and general public enmity, the lockout suggests two overlapping trends. First, the union’s adherence to co-operative and conciliatory bargaining had left it ill equipped to confront—either in the workplace or the public sphere—management’s costcutting agenda in the centre of Saskatchewan’s now hegemonic petrostate. Second, a marked tension developed between community outreach efforts and the circumstances in which legal industrial action was ineffective and civil disobedience emerged.

With economic globalization and with the precarization and informalization of work, efforts have increased to build global labour alliances among formal workers on the one hand and to organize informal workers on the other. These two endeavours overlap considerably. Global labor organizations have taken on a growing role in organizing and advocating for informal workers. I explore this overlap by comparing two global labour federations: one arising from heterogeneous networks of informal workers—the International Domestic Workers Federation—and a longstanding one of formal employees that has increasingly attempted to include informal workers—the Building and Wood Workers International. The contrast reveals similarities, divergences and trade-offs, with important implications for the future potential for building global organizations of informal workers.

The article reviews the book, "Inequality in Canada: The History and Politics of an Idea," by Eric W. Sager.

Nearly one in ten Canadians in the private sector works in the franchised sector of the economy. For the most part, franchisors operate as rentiers, extracting value from franchisees for the use of their brand. Research has demonstrated that this arrangement puts additional pressure on franchisees to extract surplus value from their employees that tend toward substandard and unlawful working conditions. In this scenario, franchisors benefit from but are only indirectly involved in the extract of surplus value. In some cases, however, the vertical controls exercised by “franchisors” over “franchisees” are so extensive, and the financial contribution of “franchisees” is so limited, that the franchisor becomes involved in directly extracting surplus value from franchisees. We explore this latter phenomenon through an excavation of the history of the legal distinction in Canadian business-format franchising in Canada and detailed studies of two recent Canadian cases in which “franchisees” successfully claimed employment status.

The Rossland Evening World, a four-page daily dedicated to the mineworkers of British Columbia's bustling West Kootenay mining town of Rossland, first appeared on May Day 1901 – just in time to do battle with local mine owners in the historic 1900–01 miners' strike. The World may have owed its existence in part to William "Big Bill" Haywood, a founder of the militant Western Federation of Miners (wfm) and the Industrial Workers of the World. On visiting the town and the prospectors' camp in the 1890s, Haywood saw that Rossland would soon grow into a thriving Pacific Northwest mountain community with a steady increase in wfm membership. He encouraged the miners to form wfm Local 38, possibly the first wfm local in Canada, and soon a dozen Kootenay locals formed wfm District Association 6. A wfm grant followed to help launch the local and the new daily. Amid growing frustration with bad working conditions and mine owners' refusal to recognize the wfm, the World became a welcome sister to the wfm's Miners' Magazine, dedicating itself to "the Interests of Organized Labor." By the fall of 1900, the strike of 1,400 miners was on, and the World published news and analysis throughout the region. Ultimately the strike was lost, but the World carried on until 1904. As its legacy, it showed how a daily newspaper could help build community support and provide a defence for the local unionized workforce.

In Australia and Canada, working holidaymaking is rationalized on the basis of encouraging cultural exchange among youth. Yet, in both countries, there is mounting evidence that working holiday programs are operating as back-door migrant work programs to help fill demands for labor in occupations and industries characterized by precarious jobs undesirable to locals. As scholarship on working holidaymakers’ labor market participation is more developed in Australia than in Canada, and administrative data available are also more extensive therein, this article sheds new light on the Canadian case vis-à-vis the Australian example. In exploring regulatory strategies adopted by these two settler states and their effects, comparative analysis of administrative data and historical and contemporary immigration and labor and employment laws and policies reveals how nationally specific program design can foster similar ends: precariousness among participants in the industries in which working holidaymakers are concentrated, including agriculture, tourism, and accommodation and food services. It also shows that stratification between working holidaymakers more closely approximating the image of the “cultural sojourner” and those who are effectively migrating for work purposes takes shape principally along the lines of source country in both countries.

The article reviews the book, "Le capital algorithmique. Accumulation, pouvoir et résistances à l’ère de l’intelligence artificielle," by Jonathan Durand Folco and Jonathan Martineau.

Introduces Spector's essay on labour law, written from a Marxist perspective while he was attending Osgoode Hall law school in the early 1930s. Provides biographical background on Spector, a former Communist who became a leading Canadian Trotskyist. He briefly practiced law in Toronto before moving to New York in the later 1930s.

The article reviews the book, "Reckoning with Racism: Police, Judges and the RDS Case," by Constance Backhouse.

The article reviews the book, "White Space: Race, Privilege, and Cultural Economies of the Okanagan Valley," edited by Daniel J. Keyes and Luís L.M. Aguiar.

The article reviews the book, "Football in the Land of the Soviets," by Carles Viñas.