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Canada is a country whose economy benefits considerably from migrant workers in the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). With little protection from workplace exploitation, as well as unclear and constantly changing immigration policies, migrant workers often lose their legal immigration status due to conditions out of their control, becoming non-status. Living in the shadows and without access to most publicly funded services, non-status migrants experience a myriad of chronic daily stressors. In partnership with non-status community members, this Community-based Participatory Research project explores the question, “In what ways does a lack of status influence the psychosocial well-being of non-status migrants in Alberta?”. Both non-status migrants and service providers participated in semi-structured interviews, while a group of service providers working in mental health also participated in a focus group interview. The interpretation of this study’s findings was guided by the socio-ecological systems framework. Non-status realities were described from the perspective of both non-status migrants and service providers. Findings included insights into how the TFWP creates systemic vulnerabilities for migrant workers and facilitates the loss of immigration status. This lack of status led to a scarcity of access to most basic services and resources, leading to significant detrimental impacts on psychosocial well-being. This produced internalized experiences of shame and un-belonging, as well as a range of deleterious mental health outcomes. Furthermore, the impacts associated with a lack of access were significantly exacerbated by a discriminatory and hostile sociopolitical environment. Recommendations centered around the inclusion of non-status migrants in collaborative partnerships with service providers and policymakers alike. In light of these findings and recommendations, the implications for counselling psychology practice are also illuminated.

This article reviews the book, "Transpacific Reform and Revolution: The Chinese in North America, 1898-1918" by Zhongping Chen.

Using post-structural theories, this paper explores the public discourses of several Canadian teacher unions and grassroots teacher activist groups around the issue of school reopening plans in Canada amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper aims to highlight the ways in which these two forces of teacher activism can influence and impress upon each other to create a different possible future for collective resistance to neoliberalism in education – an assemblage of union and grassroots activism intra-acting, shaping, and impressing upon one another.

Workers may experience job desperation, characterized by frustration, pressure to quit and readiness to take extreme steps to secure a new job position. We examined the psychometric properties of a French-language version of the Job Desperation Scale by administering a survey to three independent cohorts of French-speaking employees, with a view to assessing the antecedents of job search behaviour and intention to quit. The first (n = 253) and second (n = 184) cohorts, composed of employees from France and Canada respectively, responded to the survey for the exploratory and confirmatory stages of analysis. The third sample (n = 252) of French employees responded both to the survey and to additional measures that typically identify antecedents of job search behaviour and turnover intention. The findings confirm the single-factor structure and robustness of the French-language version. More importantly, they show the substantial and incremental predictive power of job desperation in explaining job search behaviour and turnover intention. These insights help explain job desperation as a critical factor in contemporary labour markets and contribute to the vocational behaviour literature.

How did labour fare in 2024? In many ways, the Canadian labour market and labour movement are both looking more like they did pre-pandemic. Hopes of using the relatively robust post-pandemic economy as a springboard to build something better seem to largely be fading. Strike activity was down considerably in 2024, after reaching historic heights the previous year, by some measures. Wage growth has cooled, even as unions continue to seek pay increases to account for post-pandemic inflation. While some legislative gains were made this past year, governments also intervened in several important labour actions to end or pre-empt strikes and to come to the aid of employers who locked out their workers. In particular, the federal government has been especially coercive in its use of back-to-work orders.... Introduction

The article reviews the book, "The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor," by Hamilton Nolan.

This thesis seeks to understand the historical conditions that have relegated worker cooperatives to the periphery of the Canadian political economy. It begins with a theoretical exploration of the relationship between worker cooperatives and capitalism, highlighting two key dynamics: 1) worker cooperatives are a form of collective property that allow workers to secure their subsistence outside of the wage-labour market; 2) worker cooperatives can serve a wide range of interests depending on the subjectivities of the worker-members and the objective conditions of their political-economic environment. This framework is then used to examine subjective and objective considerations in the context of Canadian worker cooperatives, with a focus on the emergence of the contemporary sector in the 1970s and 1980s. Material need has at times produced upswings of grassroots momentum, but this momentum has struggled to sustain itself in the absence of support from major institutions of the Canadian political economy.

This article reviews the book, "Conscripted to Care: Women on the Frontlines of the covid-19 Response," by Julia Smith.

This summer, the Canadian Industrial Relations Board (CIRB) brought a strike of running trades workers at Canadian National Railway (CN) and Canadian Pacific Kansas City Limited (CPKC, or just “CP”) to an abrupt conclusion. In a moment of rare opportunity, Teamsters Canada Rail Conference (TCRC) contracts covering nearly 10,000 locomotive engineers, conductors, crew dispatchers, and rail traffic controllers at both companies had expired at the same time, in the fall of 2023. ...The stories collected here were shared by current and former engineers and conductors, as well as workers in other trades and unions at both CN and CP. They describe in detail the day-to-day work of a railway employee, and they reflect on the conditions on the job, within the TCRC, and with management and the federal government – the conditions that brought the heady few days in August, when it looked as though a historic strike was set to shut down the railways, to devastating effect.--Introduction

This article provides a history of the Japanese Camp and Mill Workers Union (JCMWU), from its founding in 1920 until its dissolution during the World War II mass incarceration of Japanese Canadians. The JCMWU was, according to union organizer Ryuichi Yoshida, a “general union of all Japanese workers” that “could not be an ordinary labour union.” Organized along the lines of race rather than by trade or industry, the union fought struggles against bosses, business owners, state officials, and the Asian exclusion movement through a number of programs and activities. But perhaps more than anything else, the jcmwu was a political education project, centred around its newspapers, Rōdō Shūhō and Nikkan Minshū. Drawing on previously untranslated materials from these newspapers, this article takes up the extraordinary analysis and activities of the JCMWU to contribute to broader discussions about the relationship of race, labour, capitalism, and imperialism.

Intimate partner violence and coercive control can manifest in abusers’ attempts to sabotage their partners’ participation in employment. Work-related intimate partner violence (WRIPV) also implicates employers, governments, and society more broadly, challenging the individualizing frame often applied to IPV. However, the legal recognition of WRIPV has been slow and sporadic, disproportionately impacting women experiencing intersecting inequalities, who are more vulnerable to IPV and to work-related inequalities. This article examines how governments have responded to WRIPV, situating their responses in the continuing legacy of the public/private distinction. Using a rights-based framework, I evaluate the two newest Canadian reforms concerning WRIPV: occupational health and safety and employment leave legislation. Both reforms specifically attend to WRIPV, at least in some jurisdictions, and provide preventive potential and remedial support for the economic and other consequences of IPV. Yet they also have shortcomings, including lack of coverage of some forms of IPV and some workplaces, loss of pay, and verification requirements that draw on gendered myths and stereotypes. I conclude by identifying further government action needed to better address WRIPV.

The Art of Solidarity delves into the rich tapestry of labour arts and heritage in Canada—from protest music and union banners, to murals, community theatre, and oral histories, to workers’ history museums and arts festivals—showcasing how these expressions of working people’s culture have been essential to challenging inequality and fostering solidarity. This inspiring collection highlights the resilience and creativity of labour arts and heritage practitioners who, despite financial and organizational challenges, continue to amplify the voices and experiences of working-class communities. In an economy characterized by growing polarization, inequality, precarity, and uncertainty about the future and meaning of work, labour arts and heritage has a central role to play in providing answers that challenge the prevailing narratives about whose work matters and whose efforts are central to our communities’ wellbeing. This work is more important than ever before. -- Publisher's description

This article examines how Asian migrant sex workers have continuously been targeted by the “carceral web” of Canadian laws and policies at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels. A case study of Newmarket, Ontario’s municipal council’s recent “crackdown” on personal wellness establishments illustrates how systematic racism and “whorephobia” are embedded in the regulations targeting low-income Asian migrant women, particularly those who work in massage parlours and the sex industry. The article ends with a discussion of how Asian workers in massage parlours and the sex industry are actively working to resist, fight for their rights, and build solidarity to push back against racist oppressions targeting them.

In July 1962, Saskatchewan doctors went on strike in a refusal to work under the Medicare Care Act, which introduced universal health insurance in the province. The much-studied conflict between organized medicine and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation government has been understood as a decisive moment in the history of public healthcare in Canada. Less studied, but equally important, the doctors were supported by a larger protest movement that set out to oppose the expansion of the welfare state. This article reveals that an alliance between maternal activists who started the Keep Our Doctors committee, businessmen who aimed to foster popular anti-statism through the Canadian Chamber of Commerce’s Operation Freedom and the Free Citizens Association, and doctors was an unplanned coalition, but not something that emerged entirely by chance. The agitation was a form of conservative populism resolved, in exaggerated fashion, against compulsion, increased taxation, and alleged communism. It was also part of a distinctive transnational moment of right-wing radicalization. Principles of democracy and freedom united opponents of Medicare in Saskatchewan and linked them with American radical right peers in ways specific to the early 1960s.

This paper exposes the falsity of a fundamental assumption of labour law—namely that there is such a thing as an “employee” or “employer” or “independent contractor” and that such legal entities can be “found” through an examination of the facts. As we shall demonstrate, once we have discarded the flawed assumption that “employees” or “employers” (or “independent” or “dependent contractors,” or “worker,” or any other legal creature) exist in the real world, we see that labour law’s purpose as it is currently widely understood is also fundamentally flawed. It is from this standpoint that a new conceptual framework for—and normative underpinning of—labour law emerges.

In a professional environment undergoing profound transformation, particularly since the Covid-19 pandemic, understanding and meeting the expectations of Generation Z is crucial for businesses. This research explores the professional values and expectations of this generation, highlighting the importance of aligning personal values with those of the company, flexibility, and ethical work environments. Through a qualitative methodology using IRaMuTeQ software, semi-structured interviews revealed that Generation Z values management practices that promote regular recognition and personal development. The findings confirm the importance of transparency and daily accountability in task execution, as well as the need to create dynamic and collaborative work environments. Managerial implications suggest the proactive integration of these expectations into human resources policies to effectively attract and retain this generation. Recommendations include the implementation of sustainable environmental policies and diversity and inclusion initiatives.

Labour and skill shortages are widely reported across most countries. With changing demographics, increasing digitalization and the transition to a green economy, to name but a few factors, concern is mounting about the supply of labour and skills for future demands. As a result, actors in the labour market, such as unions, employers and employer associations, government and civil society organizations are concerned about looming shortages of labour and skills. Several strategies to address such shortages have been identified, but a more detailed engagement is required to fully understand the complex interplay between each strategy and the environment in which it is pursued. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Ireland with a range of actors who were specifically identified as having expertise and experience in strategies for labour and skill shortages. They reported a range of strategies that involved upskilling, higher pay, better working conditions, flexible work arrangements, use of migrant labour, development of untapped labour pools and provisioning of social goods. Decisions on these strategies had two key determinants: resource availability and the external environment. All actors mentioned a need for social dialogue to engage, explore and consider the wide range of options for dealing with labour and skill shortages.

...I offer this chapter to new and current faculty members who are interested in learning more about the role of faculty unions, what it means to be a faculty union member, and union activism as a part of an academic identity and career. I begin with a brief history of faculty unionization in Canada, followed by a discussion of the union continuum, and the relevance of faculty unions. Throughout the chapter I share my experiences and a-ha moments as a union member and conclude with lessons learned that I hope readers will find of value as they navigate their own relationship with their faculty union. --Introduction

This article explores the multifaceted causes of the labour shortage in Quebec and questions whether young people are to blame. Using statistical data about activity and vacancy and qualitative interviews with recruitment managers from companies in the Quebec City region, the authors aim to deconstruct oversimplified narratives. The findings reveal that labour shortages stem from a complex combination of factors: demographic changes, unattractive working conditions, training-job mismatch, and public policies. Contrary to popular belief, young people are very active in the labour market. They are already well-represented in sectors experiencing shortages (e.g. healthcare, hospitality, construction) and often possess higher education levels than what is required for most vacant positions, which are predominantly low-skilled. However, many employers perceive youth less available, as less loyal, and as having different expectations regarding work-life balance, job meaning, and flexibility—interpreted as a shift in "mentality." These perceptions heavily shape challenges faced and recruitment strategies, which tend to focus on adapting working conditions rather than rethinking job content or organizational practices. The article concludes that young workers are not to blame for the labour shortage. Instead, the phenomenon should be understood as a structural issue with complex causes. Effective responses require a comprehensive approach that considers the roles of employers, public institutions, and the evolving expectations of young workers. A nuanced, sector-specific analysis would allow for more targeted and meaningful solutions.