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The article reviews the book, "Solidarity Beyond Bars: Unionizing Prison Labour," by Jordan House and Asaf Rashid.

We generally take for granted that everyone has the right to a say—and certainly a vote—in what our governments do. But in the workplaces that rule many of our waking hours, these democratic rights are largely absent. In a time of extreme inequality, deteriorating social cohesion and reduced trust in our institutions, why shouldn’t workers have more control over the firms they work in? Enabling employees to take more ownership and control in their working lives is a promising antidote. With advocacy from a broad coalition of supporters—including many business owners—the federal government has tabled legislation to create a new Employee Ownership Trust legal structure that makes it easier for business owners to sell firms to their employees. However, to tap the full potential of employee ownership, a much broader suite of policies is needed. This report examines what an ambitious public policy agenda would look like to unleash the promise of democratic employee ownership in Canada. --Website description

The article reviews the book, "El Golpe: US Labor, the CIA, and the Coup at Ford in Mexico," by Rob McKenzie and Patrick Dunne.

The article reviews the book, "A Field in Flux: Sixty Years of Industrial Relations," by Robert B. McKersie.

Annie Buller makes for an interesting case study of Canada’s World War II security state and how it functioned vis-à-vis the Communist Party of Canada and its allies. Her experiences speak to gender, party history, and broader elements of political policing, community responses, and confinement experiences. Like her life, her wartime encounters with the Canadian security state were concurrently like and different from those of other criminalized female and male activists at the time about whom we know more. Among the apprehended and incarcerated, female or male, Buller was somewhat of an anomaly and warrants special attention. Buller’s particular situation helps to shed light on lesser-understood elements of the Communist wartime carceral experience, including the lack of trust officials had in these processes at times to accomplish the intended repression and important details about efforts to free those incarcerated. Ultimately, Buller’s case and the movement to liberate her and the other incarcerated members of the party illustrate the power of grassroots activism in challenging oppressive systems.

With the advancement of science and technology and the improvement of social attitudes and mentalities, many Canadian women nowadays hold professions that have always been held exclusively by men. They have been able to integrate educational training, academic programs, and professional careers that have always been “masculine”, such as engineering, architecture, accounting, finance, military, trades, construction, and law enforcement, to name a few. Women in Canada have successfully performed and integrated these “masculine” professions. However, this integration was only a one-way street in many circumstances, not appreciated or accepted by men who considered it an invasion of their professional property and territory. Therefore, it unfortunately opens the door to bullying, discrimination, intimidation, and even sexual harassment. Sexual harassment of women in the workplace has always been persistent, especially in male-dominated industries. Not only does it harm women’s health, advancement, and career, but it also harms the organizations and their reputations. This research will investigate the impacts of sexual harassment on the overall health of women working in male-dominated industries in Canada.

This paper explores the perceptions and future imaginaries of a group of union members in Manitoba, Canada, concerning climate change, energy transition, and the roles of unions and workers in climate politics. Based on interviews with 30 rank and file workers carried out through the winter of 2020, the results suggest some starting points for a more active engagement between the labour movement and climate politics—an engagement that is central to climate justice, and that becomes more vital every moment as workers both participate through their waged labour in the production of ecological crisis, and stand to suffer intensely from both climate change and from elite-led energy transitions.

Embargoed until: 2025-11-29 This thesis explores Canada’s regulatory response to modern slavery in global supply chains. It investigates the factors which influenced Canada to enact transparency modern slavery legislation. It also analyzes Canada’s strategy of utilizing multiple soft and hard law governance and regulatory techniques to strengthen its response to modern slavery. Using a theoretical framework which combines global governance and regulation literature with literature regarding the national institutionalization of global norms, this thesis examines how international actors that comprise the global anti-slavery network disseminate anti-slavery and corporate accountability norms. These norms are subsequently filtered through a country’s domestic political economy, and are translated into either transparency or mandatory human rights due diligence (MHRDD) legislation. The qualitative methods used in this thesis were documentary analysis and key informant interviews. Key informant interviews in conjunction with an analysis of relevant reports and parliamentary debates provided insight into the influences behind Canada’s enactment of various governance and regulatory techniques. Doctrinal legal analysis, and an assessment of the various techniques implemented in Canada, revealed the effectiveness of the individual techniques and how they interacted with each other. This thesis found that Canada adopted a transparency law due to a combination of: (1) International norm diffusion via an epistemic, global anti-slavery network; and (2) Canada’s unique domestic political economy. Features of Canada’s domestic political economy, including its affiliation as part of the Anglosphere, and its powerful mining industry, ultimately determined the enactment of transparency legislation. The thesis also found that Canada’s use of multiple, increasingly hard law governance and regulatory techniques is currently ineffective as these techniques do not complement each other, and actually weaken Canada’s regulatory response to modern slavery. Consequently, labour standards have not improved for supply chain workers. This thesis posits that Canada should prioritize centering and empowering workers to protect their own rights.

Cet article vise à étudier les conséquences sociales des relations industrielles de la sous-traitance internationale qui, si elle est source de compétitivité pour les grandes entreprises dans les pays développés, peut conduire à des conditions de travail indécentes dans les pays en développement, en particulier dans les industries à forte intensité de main-d'oeuvre. Nous abordons la question peu explorée de la nature de l'engagement des PME du textile au Maroc en matière de responsabilité sociale compte tenu des exigences des grands donneurs d’ordres. Les résultats de notre étude quantitative corroborent l'hypothèse d'une dégradation des conditions de travail des salariés qui accompagne la sous-traitance internationale.

An original history of those who made tattooing their livelihood. In 1891 J. Murakami travelled from Japan, via San Francisco, to Vancouver Island and began working in and around Victoria. His occupation: creating permanent images on the skin of paying clients. From this early example of tattooing as work, Jamie Jelinski takes us from coast to coast with detours to the United States, England, and Japan as he traces the evolution of commercial tattooing in Canada over more than one hundred years. Needle Work offers insight into how tattoo artists navigated regulation, the types of spaces they worked in, and the dynamic relationship between the images they tattooed on customers and other forms of visual culture and artistic enterprise. Merging biographical narratives with an examination of tattooing’s place within wider society, Jelinski reveals how these commercial image makers bridged conventional gaps between cultural production and practical, for-profit work, thereby establishing tattooing as a legitimate career. Richly illustrated and drawing on archives, print media, and objects held in institutions and private collections across Canada and beyond, Needle Work provides a timely understanding of a vocation that is now familiar but whose intricate history has rarely been considered. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Countercurrents: Women's Movements in Postwar Montreal," by Amanda Ricci.

The article reviews the book, "Environmental Activism on the Ground: Small Green and Indigenous Organizing," by Jonathan Clapperton and Liza Piper.

This collection presents critical and action-oriented approaches to addressing food systems inequities across places, spaces, and scales. With case studies from around the globe, Radical Food Geographies explores interconnections between power structures and the social and ecological dynamics that bring food from the land and water to our plates. Through themes of scale, spatial imaginaries, and human and more-than-human relationships, the authors explore ongoing efforts to co-construct more equitable and sustainable food systems for all. Advancing a radical food geographies praxis, the book reveals multiple forms of resistance and resurgence, and offers examples of co-creating food systems transformation through scholarship, action, and geography. --Publisher's description

This article pushes forward research and thinking on “boundless work” in hierarchal gendered organizations within the context of late neoliberalism. Weaving the tools of feminist political economy with rhetorical analysis techniques, our analysis of gendered work in Ontario nursing homes reveals moralized hierarchies, contextually specific variations across organizations, and potential sites of resistance and change. It demonstrates the utility of understanding and exploring “boundless work” as an interpretive category that is actively under negotiation. This paper is part of the SPE special theme “Decent care work: politics, policy, and resistance.”

This paper provides a history of more than a century of efforts to establish and maintain a homegrown Canadian sugar supply – a twentieth century version of what Eric Williams called the ‘war of the two sugars,’ or the global competition between sugar beet and cane. To resolve beet sugar’s so-called ‘labour problem,’ the industry has collaborated with the Canadian state to produce new classes of temporary workers, mobilizing incarcerated Japanese Canadians, migrant indigenous families, and Mexican and Caribbean workers employed through the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program. At the same time, the sugar industry has sought to refine itself of the racialised workers upon whom it relies by promoting the figure of the white Canadian worker. The Canadian ‘war of the two sugars’ has been fought through the stratification of the labour force along the lines of citizenship, resulting in the production of unique racial forms.

Organisées au printemps 1971 pour dénoncer l'intervention américaine au Vietnam, les conférences indochinoises constituent l'une des plus importantes tentatives de coalitions féministes de l'époque. L'événement incarne le projet de bâtir une sororité globale. Bien qu'abondamment critiqué dans l'historiographie, cet idéal est rarement analysé dans toute son ambiguïté : cet article propose donc d'historiciser la sororité et de mettre en lumière la complexité de ses usages politiques. Tout en reconnaissant l'importance des conflits entourant ce projet, nous souhaitons justement comprendre pourquoi, malgré tout, celui-ci s'impose comme cadre de référence partagé par une si grande diversité de militantes au tournant des années 1970., Cette relecture des conférences indochinoises permet de proposer une définition plus souple de la sororité globale : les discours sur la question reflètent les tiraillements d'un mouvement mû par l'urgence d'articuler les différentes subjectivités des femmes pour organiser une opposition massive et efficace à la guerre du Vietnam. La sororité sert ainsi de cadre de référence fédérateur suffisamment malléable pour permettre à diverses conceptions du féminisme de coexister et de s'entrechoquer. Elle permet ainsi de baliser un terrain à partir duquel une solidarité féministe pluraliste et débattue peut se développer.

In recent years, scholars of science and technology studies (STS) have increasingly turned their attention to the role of collective imagination in shaping sociotechnical futures. This scholarship leaves open the question of how the collectives involved in bringing these futures to life come into being. Starting with one episode in the ongoing conflict over the construction of Coastal GasLink pipeline on Wet’suwet’en territory in settler-colonial Canada, this discourse analysis draws on scholarship in feminist, anticolonial, and co-productionist STS to study this process of collective formation in relation to sociotechnical futures. It does so by examining how oil and gas workers become enrolled into a sociotechnical imaginary I call Canadian resource techno-nationalism. Comparing media and politicians’ representations of oil and gas workers with White workers’ representations of themselves indicates that they can end up participating in this imaginary regardless of their affinity to it. Examining policy documents and scholarly literature about the inclusion of Indigenous knowledges in impact assessment, as well as political debates and mainstream media coverage about the conflict over the Coastal GasLink pipeline, draws attention to how elites’ active construction and protection of the boundary between knowledge and politics works to enroll Indigenous people into oil and gas jobs and, therefore, into the collective performing Canadian resource techno-nationalism. In both cases, elite actors deploy the resources at their disposal in ways that help funnel oil and gas workers into lives imagined for them, securing the power of the settler state in the process. This dynamic illustrates the importance of disentangling participation in the collective performance of sociotechnical imaginaries from freely given consent. Residents of liberal states can end up performing dominant imaginaries less out of any sense of affinity to them than as a response to the disciplinary power these imaginaries help sustain.

The article reviews the book, "The Moderate Bolshevik: Mikhail Tomsky from the Factory to the Kremlin, 1880-1936," by Charters Wynn.

To be published: June 2025. The Canadian postwar economic boom did not include one western coal-mining region. When the Canadian Pacific Railway switched to diesel power, over 2,000 coal-production jobs were lost in the Crowsnest Pass and Elk Valley. The Lights on the Tipple Are Going Out tells the story of its fight for survival. Underground mine closures began in 1950, prompting attempts by unions, leftist parties, municipal governments, and business groups to save the local economy. Efforts to reindustrialize in the mid-1960s brought unregulated growth, unsafe working conditions, and pollution. Starting in 1968, new strip mines were built to produce metallurgical coal for Asia-Pacific steelmakers. Not only is this an interesting regional history, but the consideration of the role of labour unions, local communists, and grassroots environmentalists makes it especially compelling. Today, with technological change in steel manufacturing on the horizon, propelled by the climate crisis, Langford argues that the Crowsnest Pass and Elk Valley must look toward ecosystem restoration, sustainable economic activities, and the inclusion of First Nations in decision making in order to embrace a future beyond coal. -- Publisher's description

Autoworkers unionized the General Motors plant in Oshawa in 1937 after a bitterly fought strike that pitted them against a rabidly anti-union government, hostile press and GM corporation. It was a major turning point in Canadian labour history. Crucial factors contributing to the strike’s success include the historical background of working-class struggle in the community, patient and courageous prior organizing by Communists, the engaged leadership of rank-and-file GM workers, and the solid support of the United Autoworkers International Union. The author focuses on the voices and actions of rank-and-file workers and on the day-to-day events, many of which have been misunderstood or misinterpreted. The Truth About the ’37 Oshawa GM Strike takes down the long-accepted—but false—narrative espoused by the academic Irving Abella that the Oshawa workers were “on their own” without significant support from the UAW/CIO leadership and that they would have been better off not to organize under the banner of an international union. It also shows how that narrative fails to grasp the degree to which class struggle organizing principles were crucial to the strike’s success. A true understanding of the ’37 strike provides valuable lessons for people seeking to revive the labour movement today. --Publisher's description