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Driven from their homes in Russia, Poland, and Romania by pogroms and poverty, many Jews who came to Canada in the wave of immigration after the 1905 Russian revolution were committed radicals. A Future Without Hate or Need brings to life the rich and multi-layered lives of a dissident political community, their shared experiences and community-building cultural projects, as they attempted to weave together their ethnic particularity—their identity as Jews—with their internationalist class politics.--Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Red Rosa: A Graphic Biography of Rosa Luxemburg," by Kate Evans.

The article reviews the book, "Insurgent Democracy: The Nonpartisan League in North American Politics," by Michael J. Lansing.

Summary: We use the 2011-12 conflict between the British Columbia Teachers’ Federation (BCTF) and the British Columbia (BC) government to explore how the union president, Susan Lambert, used language to bring the conflict into being and mobilize union members in opposition to the government. We use newspaper articles and archival material from mid-2011 to June 2012 to explore how Lambert identified the core issues and actors, prescribed roles, relationships and actions, and, importantly, inspired a will to act in union members and supporters.To explore how she constructed the conflict, we adopt a mobilization theory developed by scholars of social movement organizations (SMO). Snow and Benford (1988: 200-202) conceptualize three core pillars of conflict: 1- diagnostic framing identifies a problem, attributes blame or causality, and identifies the key actors; 2- prognostic framing offers a solution and identifies strategies, tactics and targets; 3- motivational framing provides a call to arms, or rationale for action while inspiring an urge to act among members and supporters. In exploring how she urged action among members, we use the four archetypal legitimation strategies identified by Van Leeuwen (2008) and Van Leeuwen and Wodak (1999): authorization, rationalization, moralization and mythopoesis.McAdam (1982: 48) argues that before collective action can begin people must come to view their situation as unjust and subject to change. We use the above framework to structure our exploration of how the union president used language to frame members’ understanding of the conflict. Through language she ushered the reality of labour conflict into being and constructed a reality in which union members could identify themselves as agents of protest and change. // Dans cet article, nous nous penchons sur le conflit de travail, survenu en 2011-2012, entre la Fédération des enseignants-es de la Colombie-Britannique et le gouvernement de cette province, afin d’examiner de quelle manière la présidente de cette fédération, Susan Lambert, a utilisé le langage pour amener ses membres à réaliser l’ampleur du conflit et les mobiliser contre le gouvernement. À cette fin, nous avons passé en revue des articles de quotidiens et des documents d’archives couvrant la période s’étendant de la mi-2011 à juin 2012, dans le but de cerner comment Mme Lambert est parvenue à identifier les enjeux et les acteurs cruciaux, attribuer les rôles, établir les relations et les actions, et, surtout, comment elle a réussi à inspirer une volonté d’agir chez les membres et leurs partisans.Pour explorer comment elle a « construit » le conflit, nous adoptons une théorie de la mobilisation développée par des universitaires qui ont étudié les mouvements sociaux organisés. Snow et Benford (1988 : 200-202) ont conceptualisé trois piliers-clés du conflit : 1-élaboration du diagnostic, soit identifier un problème, en attribuer le blâme ou la cause, et identifier les acteurs-clés; 2- élaboration du pronostique, soit offrir une solution et en identifier les stratégies, tactiques et cibles; et, enfin, 3- élaboration de la motivation, soit faire un appel aux armes ou offrir un argumentaire qui convaincra les membres et les partisans de l’urgence de passer à l’action. Pour analyser la manière dont la présidente a réussi cela, nous nous référons aux quatre stratégies de légitimation identifiées par Van Leeuwen (2008), et Van Leeuwen et Wodack (1999) : autorisation, rationalisation, moralisation et construction d’un mythe.McAdam (1982 : 48) soutient qu’avant qu’une action collective ne débute, il faut que les personnes concernées considèrent leur situation comme étant injuste et devant être changée. Nous nous servons de ce cadre d’analyse pour explorer la manière dont la présidente a utilisé le langage pour « construire » cette vision. Grâce au langage utilisé, elle est parvenue à faire ressortir les enjeux du conflit et à « construire une réalité » où les membres ont pu s’identifier comme agents de changement et acteurs de la protestation.

The article reviews the book, "Taconite Dreams: The Struggle to Sustain Mining on Minnesota's Iron Range, 1915 –2000," by Jeffrey T. Manuel.

Rise Up! is a digital archive of feminist activism in Canada from the 1970s to the 1990s. We were part of a worldwide wave of liberation and anti-oppression movements that won some victories, changed some attitudes, and radically altered the gendered and political landscape. This site is dedicated to documenting and sharing these histories. --Website description

The political and economic processes of neoliberalization have led to the intensification of worker exploitation. In Canada, Temporary Foreign Workers (TFWs) who enter through the Low-waged Streams of the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) are amongst the most vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. This thesis uses theories on unfree labour, state transformation, and anti-racism, along with data generated through qualitative research, to examine the state legislated exploitation of TFWs in British Columbia. I argue that the unscrupulous recruitment of TFWs into British Columbia is the functional process through which labour flexibility and unfreedom is achieved within the larger project of neoliberalization. I conclude by considering how regulatory reform of labour markets can be used in conjunction with anti-racist and anti-imperialist political demands that aim to challenge the functional processes of neoliberalization.

The article reviews the book, "No Regrets: Counter-Culture and Anarchism in Vancouver," by Larry Gambone.

This paper considers the digital media story “The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie Social Worker” as a case study demonstrating the potential depth of meaning that may be made through the use of digital media storytelling. Here Anthony Baldry and Paul J. Thibault’s approach to multi-modal analysis is used to deconstruct meanings,14 demonstrating the ways globalization has not only made social work a transnational profession but has also made the problems facing workers in the field something that may be represented and recognized globally, potentially creating the conditions for the building of a kind of international social work solidarity. --From author's introduction

The article reviews the book, "The Long Gilded Age: American Capitalism and the Lessons of a New World Order," by Leon Fink.

The article reviews the book, "Place and Replace: Essays on Western Canada," edited by Adele Perry, Esylit W. Jones, and Leah Morton.

Chronicles the United Steelworkers' fight to prevent workplace deaths and injuries from the 1992 Westray mine disaster through 2016. Discusses workplace deaths, the failure of employers to keep workers safe, and the ongoing need for stronger enforcement of the Westray Law. Written by former Tyee journalist Tom Sanborn.

The article reviews the book, "On Gender, Labor and Inequality," by Ruth Milkman.

La gestion des compétences est, de nos jours, largement utilisée dans les grandes entreprises françaises qui cherchent, par ce biais, à s'assurer une meilleure performance et un maintien de l'employabilité de ses salariés (Dietrich et al., 2010; MEDEF, 1998). En dépit de ses avantages (autonomie, requalification des salariés, progression de carrière), la gestion des compétences est aussi associée à certains risques psychosociaux (Bouteiller et Gilbert, 2005; Reynaud, 2001). En effet, ce modèle véhicule une transformation du travail — en particulier pour les cadres — puisque les pratiques inhérentes peuvent générer une charge de travail supplémentaire (rapports fréquents à effectuer, évaluations stressantes, exigences comportementales).L'objectif de cet article est donc de caractériser les composantes de la charge de travail perçue par les cadres d'entreprises qui pratiquent la gestion des compétences. Une étude qualitative exploratoire, s'appuyant sur des entretiens semi-directifs, a été menée à cet effet. Les résultats montrent que, dans des entreprises ayant adopté une gestion des compétences, la charge de travail perçue par les cadres se compose de trois paramètres « réformés » (rapport au temps de travail, rapport aux exigences du poste, rapport aux autres) et d'un nouveau paramètre (rapport aux exigences de maintien et de développement des compétences). // Title in English: Executive Managers’ Perceptions of Workload in the Context of Skills Management. Nowadays, the skills management model has become common in many organizations and seeks to develop employees' performance and preserve their employability (Dietrich et al., 2010). In spite of the advantages widely put forward in the literature (autonomy, employee requalification, career progress), the skills management model can also be associated with some psychosocial risks (Bouteiller and Gilbert, 2005; Reynaud, 2001). Indeed, this model engenders a transformation of employees' work—in particular that of executives—because tools and practices inherent in this model could generate an additional workload (frequent reporting, evaluation, repeated training, and strict behavioural requirements).The objective of this article is to characterize executive managers' perceptions of their workloads in organizations using the skills management model. To do this, we conducted exploratory and qualitative research by carrying out twenty interviews with executives. Results suggest that executives' perceptions of workload in a context of skills management consist of three modified parameters (working time, demands of the position, relationships with others) and a new emerging parameter (related to the demands of maintaining and developing skills).

The article reviews the book, "The Tragedy of Social Democracy," by Sirvan Karimi.

Since the 1980s, the world’s working class has been under continual assault by the forces of neoliberalism and imperialism. In response, new labor movements have emerged across the Global South—from Brazil and South Africa to Indonesia and Pakistan.Building Global Labor Solidarity in a Time of Accelerating Globalization is a call for international solidarity to resist the assaults on labor’s power. This collection of essays by international labor activists and academics examines models of worker solidarity, different forms of labor organizations, and those models’ and organizations’ relationships to social movements and civil society. --Publisher's description.

The article reviews the book, "The Age of Acquiescence: The Life and Death of American Resistance to Organized Wealth and Power," by Steve Fraser.

The Penthouse is rumoured to be the oldest continuously operating nightclub in the land we now know as Canada and is without a doubt the oldest exotic nightclub. Owned and operated by an Italian family who emigrated to Vancouver, British Columbia, The Penthouse has survived numerous waves of moral crackdown in the city as well as many offers to buy the prime location in the face of aggressive development. A staggering number of nightclubs in Vancouver, exotic or otherwise, have not shared the same fate. Through conducting an institutional history of The Penthouse I locate it within changing local politics related to feminist activism, policing, and the sex industry as well as larger shifts in cultural attitudes towards sexual labour and sex workers' bodies. Further I assemble a social history of the dancers, looking at their experiences in the club and their perception of the intersections between feminism, identity, performance, and sex. Feminist theory, women's and gender history, and performance studies inform this multi-method project, which includes results and analysis from archival research and oral history interviews conducted with dancers employed at the club from 1978-2012. Overwhelmingly, the narrators reflected on their time as dancers as valuable to their lives in a myriad of ways, including helping to foster healthy relationships with their bodies and sexualities. Nevertheless most felt that the stigma they faced as sexual labourers impacted their lives in a negative way and was in conflict with the way they experienced their work themselves. This ongoing stigma was often a driving force for abandoning striptease for more 'square' or respectable work. Others continue to work in the sex industry. Eleven dancers shared their stories for this project, as did one member of the serving staff at The Penthouse, booking agent Randy Knowlan, and current owner/operator Danny Filippone. These stories offer a history of the Penthouse which places it as a central part of Vancouver's history. At a time when conventional striptease seems to be in decline and other facets of the sex industry seem to be under attack by new forms of criminal regulation, the interviews with dancers, staff, and the owner/operator suggest that future possibilities for Vancouver's contemporary striptease communities might lie in the evolving local neo-burlesque scene.

The article reviews the book, "Bad Time Stories: Government-Union Conflicts and the Rhetoric of Legitimation Strategies," by Yonatan Reshef and Charles Keim.

In this dissertation, I examine union organizing in the Canadian banking industry between 1940 and 1980. By demonstrating that bank workers consistently sought to unionize throughout the twentieth century, I challenge claims that bank employees and other private sector white-collar workers have low rates of unionization because they are not interested in unions or suffer from false consciousness. This research also suggests, however, that many bank workers saw themselves as different from blue-collar industrial workers; the lived reality of bank work as precarious, poorly paid, and rife with gender inequality intersected with ideas about professionalism and aspirations of advancing up the career ladder. Banks, unions, and workers drew on these ideas and experiences in their arguments for and against unionization. I also look at why previous organizing efforts did not establish a strong union presence in the banking industry. Most of these attempts failed, I argue, due to several key issues, including the banks’ anti-union activity, federal and provincial labour board decisions, and labour movement disputes over ideology, jurisdiction, and strategy. The banks consistently opposed unionization and used a variety of tactics to thwart union organizing, both overtly and covertly. The state, in the form of labour legislation and labour boards, provided unions and workers with some means by which to compel the banks to recognize unions, negotiate contracts, and deal with employee grievances; however, state action and inaction more often worked to undermine union organizing. The attitudes and strategies of high-ranking labour movement officials also shaped the outcome of union drives in the banks. Between 1940 and 1980, the mostly male labour leadership repeatedly used top-down organizing strategies and appointed male organizers with no experience of bank work to oversee union drives in a sector with an increasingly feminized workforce; labour leaders’ inability or unwillingness to reflect on this approach and to support grassroots campaigns and alternative strategies hindered bank union organizing. I thus highlight the intersection of gender and class and reveal how these factors have historically shaped the labour movement bureaucracy, union organizing, and the relationship between labour and the state. Author Keywords: banks, gender, labour bureaucracy, trade unions, union organizing, white-collar workers.