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Cette recherche vise à étudier la présence de conflits de rôle au sein des comités de retraite au Québec. Elle met en relation la gouvernance des régimes de retraite et la présence de conflits de rôle entre la représentation collective et la responsabilité fiduciaire du point de vue des membres de comités de retraite. Nous exploitons une particularité de la gestion québécoise, soit l’obligation de créer un comité de retraite sur lequel siègent des membres représentant l’employeur, les syndicats, les travailleurs, les retraités, ainsi que des membres indépendants. À l’aide d’une méthodologie mixte par questionnaire et par entrevue, il a été possible d’analyser les sources et la nature des conflits. Contrairement à nos anticipations, notre étude ne démontre pas de conflits systématiques causés par la coexistence du système de relations du travail et de la responsabilité fiduciaire des régimes complémentaires de retraite. Les tensions reliées aux relations du travail sont minimes. Nous avons bien identifié quelques enjeux, notamment au niveau du financement des régimes, de la viabilité des régimes, qui relèvent de la confusion des rôles. Toutefois ces éléments ne sont pas perçus comme des sources de tensions, mais plutôt comme des enjeux à discuter. La qualité de la gouvernance des régimes de retraite dépend des ressources investies par les acteurs des relations du travail dans l’accompagnement des membres des comités de retraite. La recherche sur les conflits de rôle dans la gouvernance des régimes de retraite au Québec montre que la gestion de ces conflits dépend, dans une large mesure, de la qualité de la législation sur l’administration des régimes complémentaires de retraite au Québec et, également, des ressources consacrées à la formation des membres des comités de retraite et des participants aux relations du travail.

The principal elements of just cause protection for unionized workers in the context of industrial discipline can be summed up in what the author refers to as the 'four Rs": reasons, reinstatement, equitable relief and representation. While the scope and meaning of just cause came to be fully developed in the arbitral jurisprudence of the 1960s and 1970s, several of its core aspects are of considerably older provenance. This paper throws light on a little-known chapter in the development of the "common law of the shop" by reporting on the results of primary research into mostly unreported arbitration awards in disci- pline cases, conducted under the auspices of the Ontario Department of Labour in the wartime and immediate post-war periods. Although they did not set out to create a systematic jurisprudence, the arbitrators in those early cases clearly anticipated the established model of corrective and industrial discipline: they gave effect to a requirement for reasons; reinstated employees found innocent of allegations of wrongdoing and awarded compensation; articulated a need for prior warnings and a culminating incident; "made the punishment fit the crime" by substituting lesser penalties and taking into account mitigating factors such as length of service; and afforded a measure of protection to union officials against reprisal while emphasizing their responsibility for securing compliance with grievance procedures. Ultimately, the author argues, the early arbitrators saw their role chiefly as the cultivation of workplace harmony and avoidance of work stoppages, seeking to reconcile industrial unionism with industrial peace.

The article reviews the book, "Depression Folk: Grassroots Music and Left-Wing Politics in 1930's America," by Ronald D. Cohen.

Though not monolithic, the non-profit social services sector has been an arena where workers and management participated in various forms of shared planning, service development and organizing the labour process. This included: 1- formal participation processes such as collective bargaining with union representation, and 2- practice-profession or task participation. Drawing on 34 qualitative interviews undertaken with a variety of actors (Chief Executive/Senior Directors, senior operational management, Human Resource Managers, frontline staff, and, where available, union representatives) in two non-profit social service agencies in Ontario (Canada), the article traces how these forms of participation have changed as a result of government austerity policies alongside the expansion of precarious employment and funding in the non-profit sector.Using exemplar quotes and qualitative analysis, the article shows that worker’s participation in each form has declined, while management simultaneously has extended greater control over the labour process and removed or reduced forums and opportunities for input from staff. In terms of task participation, measurement and governance structure of New Public Management (NPM) and austerity have led to less autonomy and choice, especially in the area of working time. The study also found that unitarist approaches, intolerant of staff voice and possible dissent, have displaced earlier representative participatory approaches that either utilized the management chain, or embraced and worked constructively with unions. Though these pressures existed prior to the introduction of austerity policies, the data show that decreased worker’s participation coincides and is further undermined by the financial and governance processes associated with NPM and austerity-linked cuts in government and other forms of funding. Overall, the data and analysis suggest that participation in the Non-profit Social Services (NPSS) may be another casualty of this current wave of neoliberalism.

This research is motivated by the lack of recent empirical studies investigating delay in grievance arbitration, despite increasing concerns being voiced about the issue. I performed content analysis on a random sample of about 400 Ontario arbitration awards, and then used a proportional hazards model to examine the extent of delay and its determinants. consistent with common perception, the results suggest that delay has become a worse problem over the past two decades. I find that certain legalistic factors and the expanded jurisdiction of arbitrators over specific types of issues are associated with delay. the results also show that certain dispute resolution procedures are related to decreased delay, and this suggests some practical solutions.

In this paper the authors provide a review and critique of existing legal standards and methods, at common law and under employment standards legis- lation, for determining the length of notice to which employees are entitled as a result of without-cause termination. They argue that, at common law, the factors relied on to determine the amount of termination notice contribute to systemic bias and power imbalances between employers and employees, while fostering the illusion of individualized assessment. As well, the regime is inaccessible to low- and middle-income employees due to the costs of litigation. Minimum statutory notice in Ontario, which relies solely on the factor of length of service, is heavily discounted in relation to the common law, and suffers from poor enforcement and widespread non-compliance. In light of the shortcomings of the common law and statutory regimes, the authors conclude that there is a clear need for reform. While other proposals for reform have been advanced, the authors contend that they focus too heavily on length of service, are likely to perpetuate the problems associated with the existing systems, and fail to comprehensively take into account the primary purpose of notice - to provide employees with a "cushion" between termination and re-employment. The auth- ors then set out their proposal for a "Middle Course" approach to determining length of notice, which would be based on a series of objective factors related to the estimated time needed by a dismissed employee to obtain re-employment. It would be implemented by replacing the existing formula under employment standards legislation with one that would enable notice entitlements to be deter- mined in a more predictable, rational and equitable fashion.

This article reviews the book, "American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War 1 to the Great Depression," by Mark Hendrickson.

Thiis article reviews the book, "Lost Champions: Four Men, Two Teams, and the Breaking of Pro Football’s Color Line," by Gretchen Atwood.

This article reviews the book, "Neoliberal Labour Governments and the Union Response: The Politics of the End of Labourism," by Jason Schulman.

The article reviews the book, "Unions in Court: Organized Labour and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms," by Larry Savage and Charles W. Smith.

Cet article a pour objectif d’analyser l’influence des usages de l’union européenne (ue) sur les systèmes de relations professionnelles en Bulgarie et en Roumanie. une grille analytique visant à appréhender les différents leviers et obstacles du processus d’européanisation est élaborée et appliquée aux trajectoires propres à la Bulgarie et à la Roumanie, avec une attention particulière à la période ouverte depuis la crise de 2007. Les conclusions rejoignent la thèse d’une européanisation sociale a minima qui, dans certains cas, se conjugue avec une déseuropéanisation programmée, reflétant la progression de l’agenda néolibéral.

This article examines sexual orientation wage gaps across local labour market contexts. Using the 2006 Canadian Census, we explore how wage gaps vary across metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas. We further evaluate whether the mechanisms contributing to wage gaps diverge across these contexts, focusing on how wage gaps differ across occupations and sectors of employment. Our results show that wage gaps are highest in non-metropolitan Canada. The underlying components of wage gaps fluctuate across Canada, especially for gay men. Sexual orientation pay gaps are reduced in public sector employment, even where private sector wage gaps are highest. These results suggest that local social and labour market contexts are associated with the earnings outcomes of sexual minorities.

The article reviews the book, "Radicals in America: The U.S. Left since the Second World War," by Howard Brick and Christopher Phelps.

L’article analyse l’insertion professionnelle d’une catégorie méconnue d’immigrants qualifiés œuvrant dans le secteur des technologies de l’information (ti) de la région de Québec. La forte demande de main-d’œuvre et la rareté de l’offre locale font penser que leur processus d’insertion sera aisé, comme d’ailleurs les discours publics le proclament. Après avoir présenté la problématique, les cadres conceptuel et analytique, ainsi que la méthodologie, les résultats soulignent certains obstacles d’insertion professionnelle liés, entre autres, à leurs acquis étrangers. cette situation les oblige à recourir à des stratégies de retour aux études et de déqualification. toutefois, malgré ces démarches, l’insertion professionnelle dans le secteur régional des ti demeure toujours à risque.

This article reviews the book, "Métiers de la relation. Nouvelles logiques et nouvelles épreuves du travail," edited by Marie-Chantal Doucet and Simon Viviers.

The article reviews the book, "Not Talking Union: An Oral History of North American Mennonites and Labour," by Janis Thiessen.

The article reviews the books, "Competing Vision of Empire: Labor, Slavery, and the Origins of the British Atlantic Empire," by Abigail L. Swingen, "Building the Atlantic Empires: Unfree Labor and Imperial States in the Political Economy of Capitalism," edited by John Donoghue and Evelyn P. Jennings, and "Making the Empire Work: Labor and United States Imperialism," edited by Daniel E. Bender and Jana K. Lipman.

This article reviews the book, "The New Deal: A Global History," by Kiran Klaus Patel.

The article reviews the book, "Fighting over Fidel: The New York Intellectuals and the Cuban Revolution," by Rafael Rojas.

Contrary to conceptions of the rural workforce as inherently conservative, tobacco workers and small farmers in Depression-era Ontario frequently organized to protest their socioeconomic conditions and to demand a fairer deal from employers and tobacco companies. Led by Hungarian immigrants, but with significant involvement from other groups, working people in the Tobacco Belt built an "infrastructure of dissent," a constellation of formal organizations and informal networks that allowed for the development of radical ideas and provided a platform from which to launch oppositional efforts, both coordinated and spontaneous. Two key moments of 1930s protest are focused on in this article. In 1937, a dramatic growers' movement saw over 1,000 small farmers, with the support of workers, band together to demand higher prices from the tobacco companies for their crops. In 1939, the local forces of working-class opposition were joined by a massive influx of job-seeking "transients," who brought with them the politics of the Depression-era unemployed, establishing the conditions for what would become the greatest moment of tobacco worker resistance in the decade. In both campaigns, efforts were made to unite workers and small growers, but the evidence suggests that growers benefitted more from these collaborations than did workers.