Your search

The Ontario Network of Injured Workers’ Groups in Canada is leading a multiyear campaign called Workers’ Comp is a Right to reform the provincial workers’ injury compensation system and to fight back against regressive changes made to the system over several decades. At their Annual General Meeting in Toronto held in June 2019, delegates voted unanimously to make this submission to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities as a part of the regular supervisory process under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The subject is income deeming “phantom jobs” to injured worker claimants with income replacement benefits. The document illustrates how Canadian injured worker groups have activated a human rights lens and references international labor and human rights standards concerning social insurance and income replacement benefits for work-related injury and illness.

Cet article s’intéresse à l’Organization United for Respect at Walmart, l’une des initiatives nationales les plus ambitieuses en matière d’organisation de la main-d’oeuvre aux États-Unis au cours de la dernière décennie. S’appuyant sur une enquête qualitative menée autour du travail d’organisation des employés lors d’actions et de mobilisations de OUR Walmart (OWM) de 2013 à 2018, il revient sur les transformations de la campagne d’organisation des inorganisés (organizing) du géant de la grande distribution. À partir d’une approche diachronique des dimensions pratiques et rhétoriques d’OWM, nous verrons que l’effort d’organisation lancé par le grand syndicat des travailleurs de l’alimentation et du commerce UFCW, puis sa poursuite de manière indépendante après 2014, ont conduit OWM à opérer un virage numérique. Cet article montre, plus spécifiquement, que le lancement d’OWM dans le cadre d’une campagne syndicale visant le distributeur Walmart et son existence en tant qu’association indépendante depuis se caractérisent par deux approches de l’organisation des inorganisés. Au terme d’une revue de littérature portant sur les enjeux de cette stratégie, sur les caractéristiques de la campagne et la méthodologie adoptée, l’article examine comment OWM est passée d’une approche de l’organisation des inorganisés par un grand syndicat des services à une campagne beaucoup plus modeste en effectifs et en ressources financières. Liant innovations numériques et participation active des salariés, le virage technologique et réticulaire entamé par OWM souligne ainsi une opportunité de rendre visibles les inégalités raciales et de genre, tout en favorisant la coconstruction d’une solidarité professionnelle à grande échelle dans une entreprise et un secteur auparavant jugés hors d’atteinte et qui aujourd’hui, se trouvent particulièrement exposés en matière de risques en santé et sécurité au travail.

The Miners' Archive [founded on the impetus of mine workers in 2000] remains little known outside Bolivia. Yet the story of its creation is part of the legacy of struggle and sacrifice by Bolivia's predominantly Indigneous working people and a vital contribution to collective memory by and for the working class, and for historians the world over. --From author's conclusion.

The article reviews the book, "Work: What is Political Economy," by Bruce Pietrykowski.

Pays homage to the life and work of the Canadian social historian, Michael Cross (1938-2019). Includes two photos.

The article reviews the book, "Making the Best of It: Women and Girls of Canada and Newfoundland During the Second World War," edited by Sarah Glassford and Amy Shaw,

The article reviews and comments on the books, "Amplify: Graphic Narratives of Feminist Resistance," by Norah Bowman and Meg Braem, art by Dominique Hui; "Direct Action Gets the Goods: A Graphic History of the Strike in Canada," by Graphic History Collective with Althea Balmes, Gord Hill, Orion Keresztesi, and David Lester; "1919: A Graphic History of the Winnipeg General Strike," by Graphic History Collective and David Lester; and "Christie Pitts," by Jamie Michaels and Doug Fedrau.

Au-delà des importantes questions soulevées quant à la validité constitutionnelle de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État, qui alimenteront sans doute les débats politiques et juridiques au cours de la prochaine décennie, est-il vrai de prétendre que cette loi établit un nouveau régime de séparation du religieux et de l’État au Québec? Le présent article a pour objectif de démontrer que les seuls changements concrets que la Loi sur la laïcité imposera aux règles actuellement applicables au Québec se résument à deux interdictions concernant le port de certains signes religieux. Pour le reste, la Loi sur la laïcité se borne essentiellement à codifier des règles et des principes qui s’appliquaient déjà aux agents et agentes des institutions publiques du Québec et qui continueront de s’appliquer même si la Loi sur la laïcité devait être abrogée ou déclarée inconstitutionnelle par les tribunaux au cours des prochaines années.

Review essay of "The New ndp: Moderation, Modernization, and Political Marketing" (2019) by David McGrane and "Party of Conscience: The CCF, the ndp, and Social Democracy in Canada" (2018) edited by Roberta Lexier, Stephanie Bangarth and Jon Weier.

This thematic issue is an effort to understand how digitalization is disrupting and reordering the regulation of work and employment. It also examines how these concerns may lead to organizational and institutional experimentation.

Ce numéro thématique cherche à comprendre comment le numérique est venu perturber et réorganiser la régulation du travail et de l’emploi et comment il peut conduire à des formes d’expérimentation organisationnelle et institutionnelle.

The article reviews the book, "L’art du sens dans les organisations," edited by Jean-Luc Moriceau, Hugo Letiche and Marie-Astrid Letheule.

The article reviews the book, "Marx at the Arcade: Consoles, Controllers, and Class Struggle," by Jamie Woodcock.

In 2012, unions representing teachers and education workers in Ontario, Canada, were faced with Bill 115, legislation used by the provincial government to impose a collective agreement upon education workers and remove their right to strike. With a specific focus on the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation, this paper is an insider view of how Bill 115 and the external political contexts of the time affected Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation’s internal democratic practices at the height of the struggle. It employs theories of union democracy in order to consider how external forces can shape teacher unions’ internal democracy, and how the competing pressures faced by union leaders can impact their actions and decisions. This paper takes the view that internal union democracy is an important consideration in teacher unions’ resistance to government austerity agendas.

Although ample research shows that people with disabilities face significant labor market barriers, questions remain about whether and how disadvantages in employment and earnings contribute to economic insecurity. We use 1999 to 2012 Canadian Survey of Financial Security data to study disparities in nonhousing assets, which include household savings, stocks, and pensions, across households with and without disabilities. We find that households where the respondent or their spouse reported a disability held 25 percent less in nonhousing assets after accounting for key employment, education, and demographic factors. Demonstrating the more complicated relationship between disability, employment, and assets, these direct effects were further strengthened by disability's indirect effects on assets through its relationship with employment income.

Economically depressed communities across North America have opened casinos based on the promise of creating “good jobs.” Some scholars find that workers benefit from casinos via employment and wage growth, while others find that casinos exploit host communities, including their workers. Yet, little research addresses whom casinos employ and how workers experience the quality of employment. Existing research is based on geographic areas that house multiple casinos where workers have the mobility to move between different casino operators. Across North America, however, casinos are being adopted in economically depressed areas and in limited-licence states with large distances between casinos. Using the case study of Casino Windsor – located in Canada’s economically struggling automotive capital, Windsor, Ontario – this article speaks to whether casinos offer “good jobs” when a single casino exists in an economically struggling area. Based on 48 interviews with Windsor stakeholders and casino workers, media coverage, and descriptive statistics, these findings provide an alternative story of the employment implications of casino development when casino workers are immobile. The immobility of Casino Windsor workers results from a high unemployment rate, the absence of other employment offering comparable remuneration, and an international border. This scenario allows management to rule through disciplinary actions while still reaping the benefits of worker “loyalty” and effort. With states/provinces justifying casino developments to economically devitalized host communities by promising the creation of “good jobs,” researchers and policymakers must consider whether such developments will create and potentially exploit a captive labour supply, leading to the development of not-so-good casino jobs.

This article analyzes the politics surrounding the 1970s/early 1980s introduction of work-incentive measures for “welfare mothers” in Ontario. It uses governance and assemblage theory to analyze the substance and dynamics of the debates in this area as they involved state officials, social policy and social welfare advocates, and welfare mother activists. Using a wide array of archival documents and media accounts, the article uncovers the discursive and other kinds of practices that government officials used in seeking to contain the debate and foreclose more radical possibilities, as well as the role that progressive groups sometimes played in reinforcing official expertise. The article concludes that the work incentives for welfare mothers measures were not just benign policy but mechanisms that screened out the political and, ultimately, further disempowered and marginalized welfare mothers. Such programs operate to this day to reinforce a worldview that ignores structural oppression and inequality.

The article reviews the book, "Black Lives, Native Lands, White Worlds: A History of Slavery in New England," by Jared Ross Hardesty.

L’adéquation formation-emploi a fait couler beaucoup d’encre au cours des dernières années, car elle présente des défis importants auxquels tant les entreprises que les pouvoirs publics cherchent à répondre. Il s’agit d’une notion polysémique que l’on doit s’assurer de bien cerner parce que la littérature regorge d’une multitude de vocables et de mesures utilisés pour décrire les situations d’inadéquation formation-emploi et d’écarts observés dans le marché du travail.

This is a study of 933 academic promotions from associate to full professor in Ontario, Canada for the period 2010-2014. Publicly available sources provided a bibliometric profile including gender, year of promotion, university, academic discipline, salary, type and number of publications and number of authors for each promotion to full professor. We found a large gender gap in academic promotions favouring men, which is explained mainly by a structural focus on male-dominated academic disciplines. We also found large differences in numbers of publications by academic discipline, which was substantially reduced after considering the number of authors per publication. Business professors were paid substantially more than other professors at the time of promotion. Our study focused on publications, and given this limitation the results should be taken in the context that there are multiple considerations for promotion. Publication quality and impact, grants and patents, were not adjusted for.