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Summarizes the report, "It's More than Poverty: Employment Precarity and Household Well-Being," released by the Poverty and Employment Precarity in Southern Ontario research group in Feburary 2014.

Describes the weakened state of the labour movement in Quebec, and efforts at renewal.

As the thousands of strikers took to the streets in 1919, the press waged its own propaganda war against the workers. Wasn't the Winnipeg General Strike really a Bolshevik plot? Almost all Canadian newspapers said so - except one. --Introduction

It's the second oldest profession in the world. Until recently, a society without them was considered inconceivable. Yet they are one of the most invisible and silent groups of people in Canadian history: the servants. The maid, the butler, the footman, the coachman, the groom, the nurse, the laundress: most of them were either illiterate or too busy to have left a record of their lives. The literati hardly mentioned them. They were part of the furniture. In fact, artists lavished more attention on the furniture. --Introduction

A voice on the left - that was the impulse for the Winnipeg Citizen. Then the real world intruded. --Introduction

Two men died in the 1935 Regina Riot. But the offical toll was one. Some people thought it should stay that way. ...[Niklas (Nick) Schaak] was working in a relief camp near Saskatoon when he joined the trekkers and took part in the Dominion Day melee. He was attacked by an RCMP constable and suffered head injuries, but cause of death was attributed to pneumonia. --Introduction

Brief review of: "Bienfait" by Stephen Endicott.

Who was that impassioned woman at the heart of the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike? And why did her memory become lost to time? Filmmaker Paula Kelly set out to bring Helen Armstrong back from the margins of history. --Editorial introduction

By the end of the nineteenth century politicians could no longer overlook the demands of the burgeoning labour movement. New laws began to set minimum standards in employment. One act protected striking Canadian workers by preventing employers from hiring across the line in the U.S. On paper it looked like progressive legislation. But when it came time to put the law into practice, there was an absence of will. Not even a tragic suicide could change the status quo. --Introduction

Most people knew [Glen] as an active and seemingly tireless trade union leader, rather than as a historian, but it was his sense of history that shaped his activities. Almost from day one, when he joined the staff of the University of Saskatchewan and became a member of the Canadian Union of Public Employees Local 1975, he was active in union affairs. As his local's grievance chairperson for almost 20 years, he handled over 1,200 grievances. He was later elected president of the local, a position he held for 11 years until his death. He also served -- simultaneously -- as one of CUPE's vice- presidents on the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour (six years), as president of the 22,000-member CUPE Saskatchewan (five years) and on CUPE's National Executive Board in two different positions for the last six years. Glen believed there was more to unions than just collective bargaining and handling grievances. He was a strong proponent of social unionism, of working in solidarity with coalitions of community, anti-poverty, and social action groups. As National CUPE president Judy Darcy noted: "Glen was a trade unionist and a socialist in the true sense of both words. There was no problem too big or too small for Glen -- from defending a member's grievance to fighting for social and economic justice for workers in Canada and around the world." For Glen, the most important people at his funeral would have been his family, as well as the hundreds of working men and women who came to show their love and respect for him. Nonetheless, everyone was pleased to see three Saskatchewan cabinet ministers among the mourners. Each of them had been on the receiving end of Glen's blunt and frequent criticism of some of their government's policies. Despite that, they were there out of respect for his integrity and commitment to working people.

Daniel O'Donoghue was a printer, leader in many early labour organizations, founding member of the Canadian Labour Union, an MPP, and as the first Dominion fair-wages officer, a federal civil servant. ...He promoted a largely American model of labour politics. Based on the notion that labour's goals would best be achieved through established political parties rather than independently, his moderating influence still prevails. --Introduction

There was an electric feeling in the air as hundreds of people gathered to honour the strikers and pay tribute to the three miners killed in [Estevan] on Black Tuesday. A Highland Pipe band played while the crowd visited, ate hot dogs and were entertained by a Miners' Choir formed especially for the occasion. The crowd was receptive to all speakers, but saved its loudest applause for [Pete Gemby].

The MWUC was an affiliate of the revolutionary Workers Unity League (WUL) which promoted the class struggle. On August 25, 1931 James Sloan, president of the MWUC, arrived in [Estevan] and organized a meeting. Practically every miner in the field showed up. After a rousing speech on the miners' plight and the objectives of the MWUC [Mine Workers' Union of Canada], more than 600 miners signed up. Government officials and the coal owners saw the danger in these demands and attempted to reduce the threat by bringing more RCMP into the area. When negotiations commenced on October 19, L. Maurice, MWUC vice - president, who had travelled from Calgary to act as an advisor to the miners, was expelled from the meeting. Although the coal owners refused to recognize the MWUC, they did agree to recognize the pit committees and granted a number of other demands for better working conditions and wages. The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour is commemorating the 1931 strike and riot in order to honour these miners and educate the public about our labour history. The public event will take place at the miners' coal car by the Court House in downtown Estevan on May 10, 1997.

The year 1994 marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike, one of the best-known events in modern Canadian history. It also marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the composition of a lengthy history of the strike from the strikers' perspective which was first published in 1920... Much of the subsequent historical writing about the strike has treated this complex event along the lines first developed in the strikers' own history. The result has been the emergence of a monolithic and somewhat one-dimensional view of the strike. The account which follows examines in detail only a few of the more important components of this fascinating event. It attempts to introduce some multiple perspectives and perhaps to raise some new questions. --Introduction

Although the author earned her Ph.D. in microbiology, for the past 18 years she has been applying her research training to the social history of the Upper Ottawa Valley. She lives in Deep River, Ontario. --Introduction