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"[D]escribes the parallel movement in Ontario's system of community college, focusing on their struggle for academic equivalency to teachers and equal pay for work of equal value." -- Editors' introduction.

"[E]xplores the key roles played by the Canadian Association of college and University Libraries and the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT) in raising the issues of academic status, salaries and working conditions for academic librarians." -- Editors' introduction.

"[Examines] the role of collective bargaining with respect to improving terms and conditions of employment and the issues and challenges experienced by librarians as members of minority groups within faculty associations." -- Editors' introduction.

"Focuses on the empowerment of librarians during their job action [librarians and archivists' strike at the University of Western Ontario in 2011]." -- Editors' introduction.

Argues - with a particular focus on vulnerable temporary migrant workers - that wen unions thrive and commit to broader social unionism, the union tide raises all boats: standards of living, democratic participation, and increased social and economic justice. --Introduction

"[E]xamines the workload responsibilities of teacher, research and service and the role of collective agreements in ensuring balance." -- Editors' introduction.

"[E]xamines issues and challenges of collegial self-governance for academic librarians at Brock University." -- Editors' introduction.

"[D]escribes the early history of librarianship at the University of Toronto, including the evolution of library education and the fight for recognition and status of librarians." -- Editors' introduction.

[Provides] a review of Canadian and international research that affirms the critical role that labour rights and unions play in reducing income inequality, promoting the social well-being of all citizens, and advancing democracy within nations. --Introduction

"Provides an overview of the complaint and grievance process and librarians' experiences of grievance." -- Editors' introduction.

"[U]ses autoethnography to convey the experience of librarians participating in faculty associations, providing a compelling narrative of the impact on the participants and the communities they represent." -- Editors' introduction.

[Reviews] the history and trends of income inequality in Canada, examining how a growing gap between the rich and the rest of us continues to drive today's political and economic processes, including volatile stock markets, troubled housing markets, and a newly escalated attack on labour that paints unions as yesterday's answer to yesterday's problems. --Introduction

Considers the current regulatory environment for temporary employment workers in Quebec. Concludes that the legislative failure to regulate has resulted in abusive practices that undermine labour law.

Compares the legal regimes of British Columbia and Manitoba for employment agencies that recruit women from the Philippines to work as caregivers in Canadian homes. Concludes that the Manitoba regulatory framework is much more effective in protecting caregivers from the abusive practices of these agencies.

Labour relations statutes across Canada generally use one of three stand- ing models for regulating essential service strikes - the "unfettered strike," "designation" and "no-strike" models. An ad hoc variant of the unfettered strike and designation models - what the author calls the "instant back-to-work" model - has recently been used several times by the federal government to circumvent the designation model in the Canada Labour Code. After reviewing these models, the author moves to the question of whatforms of strike regulation might be held to infringe freedom of association in section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and therefore to need justification under section 1 as a reasonable limit on that freedom. Pierre Verge, like Brian Langille, has argued that a constitutional right to strike should simply require governments to respect the common law freedom of employees to withdraw their services without incurring criminal or tort liability, in the absence of a section 1 justifi- cation for any infringement of that freedom. This approach, the author suggests, would require excessive recourse to section 1, and would be of value mainly to strategically placed employees because it would offer no protection against employer reprisals for strike action. In his view, a right to strike should instead be held to flow from the Charter-based right to collective bargaining adopted in B.C. Health and Fraser. This would leave legislatures with significant discretion to regulate industrial conflict, but would require that employees who are not allowed to strike must have access to a truly independent means of resolving col- lective bargaining disputes. To that end, the Supreme Court of Canada should reinstate the trial judgment in the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour case, which held (1) that the right to collective bargaining includes a limited right to strike; and (2) that this right was unjustifiably breached by a statute which gave the provincial government the unilateral right to designate those public sector employees who could not strike, and also denied those employees access to an alternative independent dispute resolution process.

Considerable evidence points to the diminished significance of ‘labour’ as an industrial and political movement, as a sociological descriptor, and as a distinct field of public policy. This prompts the question: what should labour law be for ‘after labour’? The question is especially timely in the context of what Daniel Rogers has called ‘the intellectual economy of catastrophe’. This Chapter explores three possible responses: that labour law should be viewed as a sub-field of constitutional and human rights law; that it should integrate workers into the structures of capitalism to ensure that they contribute to and benefit from its successes; and that it should maintain its historic function of mobilizing workers to defend their rights and interests, but should also encourage cooperation between workers’ organizations and other social movements. -- From editors' introduction

Portrays nonprofit social services as a largely female, increasingly diverse workforce with a strong care ethic. Concludes that values of social justice and social unionism are integral both to worker engagement and resistance of state austerity and managerialism.

Examines the "politicization of caring" and the contest for the public trust between nurses and the state since 1960. Concludes that nurse militancy demonstrates how the battle against austerity can be fought.

Contrasts business unionism and social unionism with "social movement unionism" as a model of public sector worker engagement.

After painting a general picture of changes in the relationship between women and the job market in the latter half of the twentieth century, I examine the ways in which paid domestic service activities became part of the career and life trajectories of a sample group of working-class women. --From introduction