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The article reviews the book, "L’activité des clients : un travail ?," edited by Sophie Bernard, Marie-Anne Dujarier and Guillaume Salariale.

The article reviews the book, "Fragiles compétences," edited by Sophie Bretesché and Cathy Krohmer.

The article reviews the book, "Good Lands: A Meditation and History on the Great Plains," by Frances W. Kaye.

The article reviews the book, "Gouverner les fins de carrière à distance. Outplacement et vieillissement actif en emploi," by Thibauld Moulaert.

The article reviews the book, "Gouverner les fins de carrière à distance. Outplacement et vieillissement actif en emploi," by Thibauld Moulaert.

Despite the abolition of mandatory retirement in most Canadian jurisdic- tions, statutory provisions generally still permit the denial of employment-re- lated benefits to workers aged 65 or over, or allow such benefits to be provided at a lower level than for workers under age 65. In ONA v. Chatham-Kent, an Ontario arbitrator upheld the constitutionality of provisions in that province's Human Rights Code and Employment Standards Act excluding workers over 65 from protection against age discrimination in the area of employment benefits, holding that while the impugned provisions infringed the equality rights set out in section 15 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, they were nonetheless justified under section 1 as a reasonable limit on those rights. Writing from the perspective of advocates for unions and employees, the authors review the development of the case law on mandatory retirement, drawing particular atten- tion to the "long shadow" cast by the Supreme Court of Canada's 1990 decision in McKinney. They go on to identify what they see as the flaws in the legal rea- soning of the award in Chatham-Kent, especially the arbitrator's acceptance of the notion (inherited in large part from the McKinney decision) that age is "dif- ferent" from other types of prohibited discrimination and his failure to closely scrutinize the legislature's policy choices with respect to employment benefits for older workers. Lastly, the authors extrapolate a number of lessons that may assist litigators in future challenges to statutory provisions that discriminate on the basis of age, notably the importance of framing section 15 claims by reference to intersecting grounds of discrimination (such as age and gender or disability) and of advocating for a lower level of deference to the legislature.

The article reviews the book, "Black Internationalist Feminism: Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945-1995," by Cheryl Higashida.

Working-class poliltical activity at the municipal level in Regina began in 1914 on the initiative of members of the Regina Trades and Labour Council. Early on trade unionists reached out to the city's middle class, and together they founded a succession of Labour political parties in the 1920s. After 1930 members of the Canadian Brotherhood of Railway Employees also became involved. Success came in 1935, when the Civic Labour League, an informal alliance of social democrats and communists, won the mayoralty and a majority of the aldermanic seats on city council. Labour maintained its hold over City Hall until the end of the decade, but it did not accomplish much. It could not convince the province's Liberal government to take over full responsibility for the cost of relief or enact a special city charter that would give Regina wider powers (to construct social housing for example) and new sources of revenue. Then in 1939 Labour's political fortunes shifted dramatically. Accusations of communist influence in the selection of the Labour slate played into the hands of the city's business community, Regina's daily newspapers, and the Civic Voters' Association, which was founded on the eve of the civic election, and Labour suffered a crushing defeat.

Drawing on nurses strikes in many countries [including Canada], this article situates nurse militancy within the context of health care restructuring and neo-liberalism, the gendered construction of nursing work, the feminization of union density and of strikes, and gendered militancy. It explores the emergence of a militant discourse among nurses focussed on the public interest, what I call the politicisation of caring, which has supported a new approach to the ethics of striking. --Author's introduction

We investigate differences in labour market transition rates between high and low minimum wage regimes using Canadian data spanning 1979–2008. We find that higher minimum wages result in lower hiring rates but also lower job separation rates. Importantly, the reduced separation rates are due mainly to reductions in layoffs, occur in the first six months of a job and are present for unskilled workers of all ages. Thus, jobs in higher minimum wage regimes are more stable but harder to get. For older workers, these effects are almost exactly offsetting, resulting in little impact on the employment rate.

The article reviews and comments on "Creating Consumers: Home Economists in Twentieth-Century America" by Carolyn M. Goldstein, "Mom: The Transformation of Motherhood in Modern America" by Rebecca Jo Plant, and "Making Marriage Work: A History of Marriage and Divorce in the Twentieth-Century United States" by Kristin Celello.

The article reviews the book, "Warrior Nation: Rebranding Canada in an Age of Anxiety," by Ian McKay and Jamie Swift.

Canadian data on strike frequency, duration, and volume imply that the strike is withering away. Some research also suggests that strike duration is countercyclical. However, the early twenty‐first century was anomalous from the viewpoint of these expectations. After 2001, mean strike duration increased and was not countercyclical. This paper explains the anomaly by arguing that employers are seeking to scale back the wage gains of previous decades in the face of mounting public debt and the whip of an increasingly unfettered market. These conditions apparently motivate some workers to endure protracted work stoppages, irrespective of the phase of the business cycle, in an effort to protect their rights.

We offer an explanation for the phenomenon of declining democratic engagement by assuming that what happens at work is the primary driver of what occurs outside of the workplace. If workers are exposed to the formalities of collective bargaining and union representation, they also perhaps increase their attachment to, and willingness to participate in, structures of democratic governance outside of the workplace as well. In order for this argument to hold, one first needs to test whether individual union members are more prone to vote and participate in civil society than non-members: other research refers to this as the union voting premium. We find that the voice effect of unionism on democratic participation is significant and is larger for groups that are significantly under-represented when it comes to voting, namely those with fewer years of education, immigrants, and younger workers. We also discuss the legal implications of these findings.

The article reviews the book, "Wife to Widow: Lives, Laws, and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Montreal," by Bettina Bradbury.

The article reviews the book, "Intern Nation: How to Earn Nothing and Learn Little in the Brave New Economy," by Ross Perlin.

The article reviews the book, "Vineyards and Vaqueros: Indian Labor and the Economic Expansion of Southern California, 1771-1877," by George Harwood Phillips.

Disintegrating Democracy at Work: Labor Unions and the Future of Good Jobs in the Service Economy, by Virginia Doellgast, is reviewed.

Globalization and Precarious Forms of Production and Employment: Challenges for Workers and Unions, edited by Carole Thornley, Steve Jefferys and Beatrice Appay, is reviewed.