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The conflict within the Ontario New Democratic Party during 1982-1984 on the question of setting party policy in support of the feminist campaign for free-standing abortion clinics is used as a case study to develop three aspects of social movement theory: alliance and conflict systems, radical flank effects, and social movement-political party relations. A previously undocumented radical flank effect is proposed. an inequality effect, arising under conditions when the distinction between radical and dominant sectors of a social movement align with a form of fundamental social inequality. The inequality effect is consequential for creating a distinction in the alliance and conflict systems of the radical and dominant sectors of the movement. It is suggested that the relation of Canadian social democracy to social movements be read as a dynamic tension between constituency representation and brokerage politics.
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Focusing on the origins of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) in Canada during the 1940s, this study analyzes the evolution of a work-centred, "rank and file" model of unionism into a top-down model of economistic unionism centred on collective bargaining and the stabilization of labour-management relations in the workplace. In order to attain organizational security, UAW leaders turned to state elites. The main price of employer and state acceptance of such security was the union leaders' agreement to suppress worker "direct action." This tradeoff has helped to shape the current limits of trade union mobilization in Canada. --Publisher's description
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At the heart of Canada's "Fordist" class compromise after World War II lay a new unionism which reinforced managerial control in the workplace. By repudiating rank-and-file initiatives against various dimensions of management control of the labour process, the new unionism displaced a potentially transformative kind of unionism that arose during the war. The significance of this transition is explored through a comparative examination of the relations between union leaders and members at two autoworker locals, one of which exemplified the ran-and-file-oriented local unionism of the war years, the other the new centralized unionism which came in its wake. It is argued that this transition to a new unionism was a key contributor to the marginalization of class-based politics in Canada after the war.
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Industrial Relations: The Economy and Society by John Godard is reviewed.
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The article reviews the book, "The Humanized Workplace," by Jerome Braun.
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The article reviews and comments on several books including "Giving Away A Miracle: Lost Dreams, Broken Promises and the Ontario NDP," by George Ehring and Wayne Roberts, "From Protest to Power: Social Democracy in Canada, 1900-Present," by Norman Penner, and "Canadian Trade Unions and the New Democratic Party," by Keith Archer and Alan Whitehorn.
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The article reviews the book, "Home to Work: Motherhood and Politics of Industrial Homework in the United States," by Eileen Boris.
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