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Introduction and annotated text of two poems written in 1932 by "Red Malcolm" Bruce that lampoon the Canadian Communist labour leader, Harvey Murphy. Both were in prison at the time serving five-year sentences for sedition under section 98 of the Canadian Criminal Code, which banned "unlawful associations" such as the Communist Party of Canada. Includes brief biographies of Murphy and Bruce.

This article critically assesses the compliance model of employment standards enforcement through a study of monetary employment standards violations in Ontario, Canada. The findings suggest that, in contexts where changes to the organisation of work deepen insecurity for employees, models of enforcement that emphasise compliance over deterrence are unlikely to effectively prevent or remedy employment standards violations.

Thiis article reviews the book, "L’activité en théories. Regards croisés sur le travail,," edited by Marie-Anne Dujarier, Corinne Gaudart, Anne Gillet and Pierre Lénel.

Canada was officially neutral in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939); yet nearly 1700 Canadians fought for the Spanish Republic. The Communist Party of Canada (cpc) recruited the bulk of the volunteers. While many in the Canadian left supported the Republican cause, others were alarmed by the involvement of communists in the Republican government and the cpc's role in the recruiting. This tension seemed particularly pronounced between English and French Canada. Québec Premier Maurice Duplessis called upon the federal government to bring the recruiting to an end and to eradicate communism in general. Prime Minister Mackenzie King and his Québec lieutenant and Minister of Justice, Ernest Lapointe, introduced a Canadian Foreign Enlistment Act in response. The statute targeted the cpc in its capacity as a recruiting apparatus (versus targeting the volunteers), and had the added benefit of "Canadianizing" and improving on the existing British statute. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police conducted investigations and warrants for arrest were issued, but the war in Spain was over before the arrests were made. Ultimately, no one was prosecuted under the Foreign Enlistment Act and its record in preventing recruiting is dubious.

For governments concerned with enhancing labour market efficiency, employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes have become increasingly popular. However, the equity implications of these arrangements, which constrain the mobility of migrant workers, have largely been ignored. This paper assesses the factors affecting the vulnerability of employer-sponsored migrant workers and addresses the question of whether these schemes comply with ethical principles relating to fair treatment. It draws upon migration ethics, political economy and socio-legal perspectives to evaluate visa schemes in Australia, Canada and Sweden. The paper argues that there is an ethically justifiable case for selectively restricting certain rights of migrant workers within clearly defined parameters. However, policies facilitating worker mobility, restricting sponsorship to higher-skilled occupations, promoting enforcement and worker representation, and providing accessible opportunities for permanent residency and citizenship help to ensure that employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes comply with ethical principles relating to the fair treatment of workers.

Cet article présente un cas de mobilisation contre les discriminations systémiques envers des travailleuses procurant des services d’assistance aux personnes (en anglais, care-workers), en grande majorité Noires et Haïtiennes, qui occupent des emplois aux normes dégradées dans des agences de placement fournissant du personnel pour un seul organisme parapublic. À l’intersection des mutations en cours dans la gestion de la main-d’oeuvre et de la réorganisation de la prise en charge des services d’assistance aux personnes, ce cas est représentatif de la façon dont se redessinent les frontières de la relation d’emploi. Les travailleuses mobilisées étant syndiquées, il permet aussi d’explorer un éventail d’attitudes syndicales. Une stratégie syndicale prédomine : elle consiste à défendre ou gérer la négociation collective institutionnalisée. Elle est encouragée par un ensemble d’institutions qui produisent des constructions contradictoires des enjeux d’égalité et du problème des discriminations. Si ces arrangements institutionnels ouvrent une brèche aux « innovations » patronales et confortent l’adoption de stratégies syndicales visant à préserver la relation bilatérale d’emploi, cet article soutient que cette stratégie est aussi symptomatique de la vision moniste avec laquelle les syndicats abordent l’effritement du modèle dominant de la relation d’emploi, en le réduisant aux conflits d’intérêts entre employeurs et travailleurs. Or, cet effritement est aussi le résultat des réorganisations mutuelles et réciproques des différentes formes sociales de division du travail entre classes, sexes et races. Mais en ne s’interrogeant pas sur ce qui a fondé le compromis de la société salariale, soit la minoration ou l’exclusion de groupes de populations de la norme d’emploi à temps plein et permanent, les syndicats accordent la priorité à des stratégies qui participent, comme l’illustre le cas choisi, si ce n’est à la création de normes discriminatoires, du moins, à la légitimation de frontières entre ceux qui ont accès à des emplois de qualité et les autres.

In its groundbreaking decision in Dunsmuir, issued in 2008, the Supreme Court of Canada reduced the number of judicial review standards to two - correctness and reasonableness - and directed courts to afford a high degree of deference to administrative decisions dealing with findings of fact, matters of inextricably intertwined law and fact, and exercises of discretion. Nonetheless, since Dunsmuir, there has been growing concern that the courts' intervention in labour board and labour arbitration decisions has increased. This empirical study examines the frequency and outcomes of judicial review applications from decisions of the Ontario Labour Relations Board and Ontario labour arbitra- tors, and concludes that the courts' interference in those decisions has in fact increased in the post-Dunsmuir period as compared to the pre-Dunsmuir period. Based on a total of 249 judicial review decisions for the period from 2003 to 2013, the research results reveal that the number of OLRB decisions quashed on judicial review increased from 7% in the pre-Dunsmuir period to 21% in the post-Dunsmuir period, while the number of labour arbitration awards quashed on review increased from 18% to 30%. In the majority of those decisions, the courts conducted an intrusive analysis of the tribunal's reasoning, reconsidered the weight accorded to evidence, and made their own findings of fact. Furthermore, there is a high degree of inconsistency among courts in the selection of the stan- dard of review applicable to decisions involving an award of damages or the interpretation of "external" legislation or common law doctrines.

This article reviews the book, "Caring for America: Home Health Workers in the Shadow of the Welfare State," by Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein.

This article argues that misalignment between the realities of work in the new economy and the regulations is having negative health and social implications at all levels of Canadian society. Remedying this requires drastic reshaping of policy approaches, but current laws and employment norms presume the labour market is a static entity. Policymakers should focus on improving how labour market data is collected for producing evidence‐based recommendations, and on re‐evaluating neoclassical economic assumptions underpinning this outdated framework. We argue the expansion of precarious work is reshaping the Canadian economy and society, and provide recommendations for data, policy and administration to address this trend.