Your search

Despite their high levels of education, racialized immigrant women in Canada are over-represented in low-paid, low-skill jobs characterized by high risk and precarity. Our project documents the experiences with precarious employment of racialized immigrant women in Toronto. We conducted 30 semi-structured interviews with racialized immigrant women. Participants were recruited through posted flyers, partner agencies, peer researcher networks and snowball sampling. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed using NVivo software. The project followed a community-based participatory action research model. Participants faced powerful structural barriers to decent employment and additionally faced barriers associated with household gender relations. Their labour market experiences negatively impacted their physical and mental health as well as that of their families. These problems further constrained women's ability to secure decent employment. Our study makes important contributions in filling the gap on the gendered barriers racialized immigrant women face in the labour market and the gendered impacts of deskilling and precarity on women and their families. We propose labour market reforms and changes in immigration and social policies to enable racialized immigrant women to overcome barriers to decent work.

Announcement of suspension of the publication and a retrospective.

As a result of concerns around declining memberships and the growth of precarious employment in recent years, unions have sought to expand their jurisdictions and organize groups of workers who have typically resisted collective bargaining. Research on union renewal has examined working conditions and workplace structures that may give rise to successful organizing campaigns. In this paper we examine working conditions amongst non-unionized same-day messengers working in Toronto, Canada. The research team conducted 143 semi-structured interviews with bikers, drivers and walkers who work primarily for local courier companies. We find that although same-day couriers are typically treated as ‘independent contractors’, they are dependent on brokers, and precariously employed, with unpredictable income and hours of work. Though this group would benefit substantially from unionization, especially organized on a sector-wide basis, their attitudes and culture combined with the structure of the local industry create substantial impediments to organizing.

The article pays homage to the socialist labour activist Hugh Lukin Robinson (1916-2012), who worked at the United Nations and was research director of the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers from 1952-62.

This article reviews the book, "A Contest of Ideas: Capital, Politics, and Labor," by Nelson Lichtenstein.

This article reviews the book, "Social Transformation in Rural Canada: Community, Cultures, and Collective Action," ed. by John R. Parkins and Maureen G. Reed.

This study analyzes the results of a 2010 national survey of Canadian non-managerial employees' membership and interest in worker organizations. This is the first general survey to include associations as well as unions. Profiles of membership and interest in unions and associations are presented, then demographic, organizational and attitudinal factors related to interest in joining these worker organizations are examined. The findings suggest that, in spite of some recent decline in union density, most Canadian non-managerial workers who are interested in collective representation are members of at least one of these organizations. The strongest interest in joining is expressed by those who are highly educated, poorly paid and feel underemployed-even if allowed some workplace "voice". The limited prior focus on unions needs to be expanded to attend to both unions and associations as worker-controlled vehicles of representation, particularly to identify strategic alliances with the growing numbers of professional employees.

La conciliation entre la vie professionnelle et la vie de famille cristallise un défi majeur aussi bien pour les travailleurs, les organisations que pour la société. De nombreux changements et mutations survenus dans le marché du travail et dans la vie familiale participent de l’avènement de cette situation (c.-à-d. les exigences accrues au niveau de la charge de travail suite aux restructurations, les changements fréquents d’affectation, la nécessité d’accorder des soins particuliers à des membres de la famille, etc.). Plusieurs facteurs nocifs à la performance des entreprises découlent de cette situation dont, entre autres, la recrudescence actuelle des comportements de retrait, des intentions de quitter et du roulement volontaire des travailleurs. Ce contexte s’avère particulièrement préoccupant dans le secteur de la santé, notamment chez le personnel infirmier. L’objectif général de la présente recherche est d’étudier l’influence de différents conflits travail-famille à l’endroit de l’intention de quitter l’organisation au niveau du personnel infirmier. Deux modèles théoriques rivaux, soit le modèle du stress organisationnel et le modèle d’effets d’entraînement, prétendent expliquer l’influence des conflits travail-famille sur l’intention de quitter l’organisation. Le but de cette étude est de vérifier lequel de ces deux modèles théoriques explique le mieux l’influence de la conceptualisation multidimensionnelle de ce conflit (deux directions de ce conflit, soit travail→famille et famille→travail exprimées chacune en termes de temps, d’effort et de comportement) à l’endroit de l’intention de quitter. À partir d’un échantillon de 404 sujets provenant du personnel infirmier d’un centre hospitalier, l’analyse de régression hiérarchique montre que le modèle du stress organisationnel explique davantage l’intention de quitter l’organisation que le modèle d’effets d’entraînement. En outre, les résultats indiquent que ce sont les ingérences de la vie d’emploi, en termes de temps et surtout d’effort, qui intensifient l’intention de quitter. Des avenues de recherche et des implications managériales sont déduites à la lumière des résultats enregistrés.

Given [the] hostile political and ideological climate in which, rightly or wrongly, unions are seen as defenders of sectional rather than the general interest, the question of new and effective political strategies and tactics to combat austerity is all the more urgent for the labor movement. It is within this context that contributors to this special issue of Labor Studies Journal and other labor educators from across North America presented their research at the United Association for Labor Education conference in Toronto in March 2013 as part of six panels focused on labor’s strategic response to austerity. Panelists represented a wide range of different approaches, produced rich and varied research aimed at clarifying some of the obstacles facing unions, and explored the various routes open to the labor movement in its efforts to confront austerity. --From Editors' Introduction

The article reviews the book "Negotiating Risk, Seeking Security, Eroding Solidarity: Life and Work on the Border" by Holly Gibbs, Belinda Leach, and Charlotte A.B. Yates.

Nordic Lights: Work, Management and Welfare in Scandinavia, edited by Ake Sandberg, is reviewed.

This article reviews the book, "Meet Joe Copper: Masculinity and Race on Montana's World War II Home Front," by Matthew L. Basso.

This article reviews the book, "Holding the Shop Together: German Industrial Relations in the Postwar Era," by Stephen J. Silvia.

In 2006 Ontario undertook major reforms to its human rights enforcement regime, eliminating the human rights commission's "gatekeeper" function and introducing a "direct access" modelfor the adjudication of complaints. Drawing on extensive primary research, this paper explores the historical antecedents to current debates about the appropriate model for human rights enforcement, by describing and analyzing four themes associated with the enactment of Ontario's 'fair practices" statutes in the 1950s - predecessors of the present-day Human Rights Code. As the author explains, those statutes prohibited particular types of discrimination based on race, religion, nationality and other grounds, and were enforced through an administrative process that was intended to have a remedial rather than punitive focus. The first theme relates to a tension in the arguments advanced by the social activists who campaigned for fair prac- tices: those arguments had both a "negative" aspect, which highlighted the harm caused by discrimination and the immorality of discriminatory conduct, and a "positive" aspect, which emphasized the importance of creating equal opportunity. The second theme is the idea of the public responsibility of both governments and citizens to act against discrimination. The third theme con- cerns the views expressed by fair practices activists on the role to be played by law's coercive power, particularly the distinction they drew between prejudice and discrimination, and the emphasis they placed on conciliation as opposed to adjudication in the enforcement process. The fourth and final theme arises from the actual experience of using fair practices legislation to achieve social change. In the author's view, each of those themes raises ongoing questions about the enforcement of human rights statutes, and more generally about the potential of law as an instrument in the struggle against inequality.

The article pays homage to the life and work of US historian Robert H. Babcock (1931-2014), a Canadian studies specialist who was known especially for his book, "Gompers in Canada."

This article reviews the book, "Border as Method: Or, the Multiplication of Labor," by Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson.

In this paper, the author argues that by imposing a duty to accommodate on unions in the Renaud case, the Supreme Court of Canada intended primarily to encourage unions to cooperate with employer efforts to accommodate, and did not seek to make unions co-liable for all discrimination embedded in collect- ive agreements. The Court's decision was ambiguous, however, and subsequent tribunals and courts have distorted its original intent by imposing joint (and sometimes sole) liability on unions for discrimination in situations in which they had no meaningful control over bargaining outcomes or no independent abil- ity to accommodate the claimant, or in which unions' representative role was not properly considered. Unions have largely avoided Renaud-based liability because, in the decades since that decision, workplace human rights claims have increasingly been dealt with through grievance arbitration (where unions are not vulnerable to co-liability claims) rather than before human rights tribunals. The author sees this as a generally positive development which permits human rights claims to be integrated with collective agreement claims and places pri- mary accountability for workplace discrimination on employers, who are best placed to remedy the discrimination. She acknowledges, however, that dealing with workplace discrimination at arbitration could create conflicts of interest, which may require reconsideration of some aspects of current procedure. She concludes that Renaud has largely done the job the Supreme Court intended, although it has done so by influencing union behaviour in arbitration rather than by making unions directly accountable for compliance with statutory human rights norms. She expresses continuing concern about Renaud's ambiguities and calls on the Supreme Court to clarify Renaud's message in light of modern conceptions of the duty to accommodate and the realities of workplace power distribution.

This article reviews the book, "The War and its Shadow: Spain's Civil War in Europe's Long Twentieth Century," by Helen Graham.

Les Salariés de l'incertitude. Solidarité, reconnaissance et équilibre de vie au travail, by Diane Bellemare, is reviewed.

Canada’s system of industrial legality has routinely limited the collective abilities of workers to strike. Under the conditions of neoliberal globalization, those limitations have intensified. Yet, in 1997, the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (RWDSU) in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, waged a successful strike against Pepsi-Cola Canada. In addition to defeating the company, the union also expanded workers’ collective rights through a successful constitutional challenge to restrictive common-law rules limiting secondary picketing. This paper examines the history of that strike, exploring the multifaceted strategies that the workers undertook to challenge the company, the state, and the existing law. It argues that workers were successful because they utilized tactics of civil disobedience to defend their abilities to picket. Recognizing that success, the paper is also critical of the Supreme Court of Canada’s decision and its evolution of common-law torts to limit workers’ collective action. The paper concludes by arguing that the Pepsi conflict highlights the importance of civil disobedience in building workers’ movements while emphasizing the inherent limitations of constitutional challenges to further workers’ collective freedoms in Canada.