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In the 1950s and 1960s, Aboriginal gillnet fishers protested new state salmon regulations restricting access to the industrial fishery of the Nass and Skeena Rivers in northern British Columbia. Using cannery records, as well as letters, petitions, and statements native people made to the Department of Fisheries, this article examines both the protests and the impact of the regulations that the state introduced in a time of massive structural, economic, technological, and ecological change in the northern fishery. The native fishers' letters suggest that both their Aboriginal heritage and work-centered, class-based identities were shaping their opposition to the state. Those leading the protests were active in other areas of native politics, but also strongly identified as gillnetters, small-boat fishers in an increasingly stratified and competitive fishery. Moreover, native fishers in British Columbia had had a long history of labour activism and organization. This article suggests that understanding the ways these Aboriginal groups navigated between both the colonial and capitalist legacies can provide insights into native politics and experiences in this period.
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In the years following World War II, the Newfoundland fishing economy was transformed from a predominantly inshore, household-based, saltfish-producing enterprise into an industrialized economy dominated by vertically-integrated frozen fish companies. The state played a critical role in fostering this transformation, and one aspect of its involvement was the creation of a "modern" fisheries workforce. Although women's labour had historically been an integral part of the inshore fishery, state planners assumed that women would withdraw from direct involvement in economic activities. Indeed, the male bread-winner model, the dominant gender ideology of western culture (but not of Newfoundland outport culture at the time), was embedded in state economic policies for the Newfoundland fishery in the post-World War II period. Training men to become more efficient, technologically-trained harvesters and offshore trawler workers became central concerns. Although the attempts to recruit young men as trawler crews were not entirely successful, this and the other examples of the government's mediating role helps illustrate the complexity of economy, state and gender ideology, all involved in the construction of a new fisheries workforce.
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