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Ce travail vise à comprendre comment des intérimaires subissant ce statut y font face. Il apparaît que confrontés à une situation vécue comme stigmatisante, ces salariés réagissent de façon différente selon les raisons qui les ont conduits vers le travail temporaire, selon les ressources qu’ils parviennent à mobiliser pour définir et poursuivre différents objectifs et, en partie au moins, selon la durée de leur passage dans cette forme d’emploi. Trois réponses émergent : la résignation, la résilience et l’adaptation. Loin des schémas explicatifs unidimensionnels valorisant un précaire contraint ou acteur de son développement de carrière, cette recherche suggère une réaction au travail contingent subi qui questionne les différents modèles de coping, c’est-à-dire de stratégies adaptatives., Insecure and discontinued work has spread significantly in France and in other developed industrialized countries over the last thirty years. A significant number of employees are experiencing precarious employment, for lack of finding a secure job which remains a strong social norm in France. This situation of imposed insecurity is to be found in particular in temporary employment and concerns two million employees in France, predominantly low-skilled or unskilled young people. Many studies tend to show that low-skilled contingent workers accept their situation very passively, having no real means to do anything about it, waiting for the situation to improve. On the other hand, in contrast, one can find the description of self-willed, better skilled, mobile workers who implement strategies including chosen mobility to develop their employability, helped by their independence and their ability to diversify their competencies. In spite of the relevance of this dichotomy that enables us to characterize two typical situations, it has a downside which is to assume that involuntary contingent workers have almost no room at all for maneuver. We have tried to understand to what extent low-skilled, involuntary contingent workers get organized to make do with and face up to their difficulties. We then tried to distinguish how they reacted, the strategies and the tactics they adopted to put up with their situation, and if need be, how they tried hard to turn it around to their benefit. We carried out a field survey in the Paris area among 16 temporary work agencies belonging to three large temporary work companies and an SME in the sector to collect data that would enable us to know more about the subject. Resorting to semi-directive interviews, in situ observations, and questionnaires put to temporary workers as well as to the permanent employees of the agencies that employed them, we identified three types of response to the constraint on the part of low-skilled workers. The first type of response was adjustment, and corresponded to constructive acceptance of the situation the worker was confronted with, by trying to optimize the conditions in which it was experienced; the objective was to force the constraint to find a way out. The worker displayed conspicuous good will, as well as permanent cooperation with the agency during his assignment to serve this adjustment, aimed at showing that he was a good and reliable contingent worker even if his main objective was to become a good stable employee. The second type of response was resilience and consisted in doing everything in order not to give up in the face of difficulties, acting with a view to attempting to access stable employment which was the permanent hope. The worker tried to respond to the constraint so as to create an opportunity for development. This posture often involved a twofold refusal of being victimized as a contingent worker on the one hand, and being trapped in this status on the other. This translated into asserting the reasons for and objectives of resorting to temporary work presented as a moment in one’s career that was accepted if not really chosen, and during which the worker refused to be the victim of circumstances. This positive re-interpretation led to the adoption of active individual tactics. The third type of response was resignation and defined the position of those who felt unable to react to the constraint imposed on them and which generated a lot of suffering. The wide gap between the stable employment they aspired to and the durable job insecurity they suffered put these workers in front of a gap between expectations that could only be coped with by being on the defensive. This frequently led, often after many years, to a passive approach similar to a descent into despair. In quite a few cases, we noticed a scenario in which the three attitudes appeared successively: adjustment, which often characterized the first phase, was followed by a phase of resilience during which the worker tried to get organized so as to hold out without suffering too much, followed by resignation when the time spent in contingent work lasted and generated the feeling that one was trapped within precariousness, from which one increasingly felt unable to escape. However, this succession did not take place systematically in this order; neither did it affect all the career paths of the contingent workers studied. Available professional capital (experiences, acquired experience) and social capital (support, know-how) as well as socio-demographic (age, ethnic origin) and family (parents, spouses able or not to provide emotional and material support) characteristics were elements that were often correlated with the level of reactivity and, in particular, the ability to avoid falling into depression. There again, however, it was difficult to establish very recurrent causality links On the other hand, however, it appeared possible to assert that the duration of contingent work suffered and the fact of being stuck in a position which one hoped would be temporary gradually atrophied the ability of many actors to act with a minimum of room for maneuver and often reduced them to being less efficient agents before sometimes turning them into agents in search of collective reasons that accounted for their situation and their helplessness in escaping from it., Este trabajo se propone comprender cómo los trabajadores temporales bajo este estatuto hacen frente a la situación. Confrontados a una situación vivida como estigmatizante, estos trabajadores reaccionan de manera diferente según las razones que les han conducido hacia el trabajo temporario, según los recursos que logran movilizar para definir y conseguir diferentes objetivos y, al menos en parte, según la duración de su pasaje en este tipo de empleo. Tres respuestas emergen: la resignación, la resilianza y la adaptación. Lejos de los esquemas explicativos unidimensionales que valorizan un trabajador precario obligado o actor del desarrollo de su carrera, esta investigación sugiere una reacción al trabajo eventual no deseado que cuestiona los diferentes modelos de “coping”, es decir de estrategias adaptativas.

Notre étude cherche à comprendre la militance dans de très petites entreprises en France. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à cerner la forme prise par la militance dans ce contexte et les motivations du militant. Pour cela, nous nous appuyons sur 29 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de conseillers du salarié des deux principales entités syndicales. Mobilisant la littérature sur l’engagement et le travail militant, nous avons dégagé trois profils : le « bon soldat », le « défenseur des droits » et le « combattant ». Le « bon soldat » a une stratégie de valorisation de son syndicat. Sa militance s’exprime par un accueil soigné au salarié et un alignement sur sa position dans sa relation avec l’employeur. Son engagement militant montre qu’il cherche à préserver un équilibre entre son engagement syndical et sa vie privée. Le second profil, le « défenseur des droits », est attiré par les dimensions juridiques de son engagement auprès des salariés. Le conseiller du salarié ayant ce profil cherche à construire une stratégie de partenariat avec le salarié afin d’obtenir le moins de sanctions pour ce dernier. Pour lui, sa militance est d’abord motivée par la défense des droits du salarié. Le dernier profil, « le combattant », est très expérimenté syndicalement et il s’intéresse davantage à la relation interpersonnelle. Le conseiller du salarié de ce profil met en place une stratégie de conflits. Il s’engage auprès du salarié sans condition. Il lui propose une prise en charge totale jusqu’à le substituer et il ira jusqu’à mobiliser son syndicat, cela sans hésitation. L’étude met en exergue la diversité de la militance dans les très petites entreprises grâce à des conseillers du salarié qui restent fidèles à leur organisation syndicale et qui s’engagent auprès des salariés en s’appropriant la militance. Cette dernière vient questionner globalement les pratiques syndicales dans les très petites entreprises.

À partir d’une recherche qualitative auprès de 48 ex-militants syndicaux ayant eu plus de 80% de leur temps de travail pour leur syndicat, de 10 directeurs des Ressources humaines et de trois organisations syndicales, une organisation patronale et un cabinet d’accompagnement, cet article questionne la reconversion des militants syndicaux en dehors de la sphère syndicale. En s’appuyant sur le contexte français et la littérature existante sur la reconversion des militants syndicaux, nos travaux soulignent les stratégies mises en place par les ex-militants afin d’assurer leur employabilité militante externe.Ces stratégies sont influencées par la perception qu’ils ont de leur employabilité. Plusieurs facteurs externes et individuels affectent cette perception. Les facteurs individuels sont le capital social perçu, la nature du départ (subi ou volontaire), le niveau de poste précèdent et le niveau atteint dans l’organisation syndicale. Ces facteurs individuels n’expliquent pas tout. D’autres facteurs externes, tels la stigmatisation dont peut faire l’objet le militant à cause de son engagement syndical, le lien contractuel et l’accompagnement du syndicat, expliquent la perception que le militant a de son employabilité. Celle-ci entraine soit une non mobilisation du capital social, soit une mobilisation offensive du capital social. Dans ce dernier cas, l’ex-permanent peut subir une phase d’observation de la part de l’entreprise d’accueil.En s’intéressant à la reconversion syndicale, cette recherche constitue un renversement de positionnement par rapport aux nombreux travaux analysant la carrière syndicale. Le capital social des militants n’est plus pensé au sein de l’organisation syndicale, mais en dehors de celle-ci, et il permet de proposer le concept d’employabilité militante externe, à savoir la capacité d’un ex-militant syndical d’obtenir un travail et de se maintenir en emploi en dehors du syndicat grâce à la mobilisation de son capital social. // Title in English: Ensuring external activist employability by mobilizing social capital : the case of ex-full time unionists after a professional transition outside of their unions. Based on qualitative research involving 48 former unionists who worked for more than 80% of their time for the union, 10 human resource directors and three union organizations, one employers’ organization and one outplacement company specialized in this type of transition, this article considers the transition of ex-activists to work outside the trade union sphere. Based on the French context and the existing literature on the transition of trade union activists, our work highlights the strategies mobilized by ex-unionists to ensure their external activist employability.These strategies are influenced by their perceived employability. Several external and individual factors impact this perception. Individual factors include : perceived social capital, the nature of the departure (suffered or voluntary), the level of post preceding the transition and the level in the trade union organization. However, these individual factors do not explain everything. Other external factors, such as the stigmatization of the activist linked to his union work, the contractual relationship, and the support of the union explain the unionist’s perceived employability. This leads either to a non-mobilization of social capital or to an offensive mobilization of social capital. In this latter case, the former employee could be placed under observation by the host company.By looking at the transitions of unionists, this research is a reversal of the position taken in many studies analyzing the unionist’s career. The social capital of activists is no longer defined within the trade union organization, but outside of it. This allows us to put forward the concept of external activist employability as the capacity of a unionist to obtain and maintain a job outside the union sphere through the mobilization of social capital.

Le but de cet article est de comprendre la dynamique de mediation en associant ses antecedents, ses differentes manifestations et un resultat : l'accord. Théoriquement, en proposant une approche synthétique qui integre des elements contextuels, comme la presence de tiers ou les caracteristiques des mediateurs, cette recherche realise une contribution academique importante, d'autant que ces elements sont demeures ignores par la litterature. Empiriquement, le choix du contexte français est porteur d'enseignements manageriaux importants. Lorsque le nouveau gouvernement redefinit les fondements du droit du travail en donnant un nouveau rôle a la branche professionnelle, mieux comprendre comment l'action d'un mediateur valorise l'emergence d'un accord nous apparaît fructueux pour tous les partenaires. De meme, ce travail permet de valoriser la complexity du rôle tenu par le mediateur pour l'obtention d'un accord.