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The application of merit pay in Canadian universities is examined. Designed to motivate and reward greater productivity, the effectiveness of merit pay depends upon the relative importance of competitive versus cooperative behavior in the academic workplace, the capacity to evaluate individual performance, and the ability to design clear financial signals appropriate to the objectives of the institution. Differences among universities can be expected to produce differences in compensation methods. A logit analysis is conducted that suggests that an institution's likelihood of having a merit pay scheme varies according to region; that it increases with the emphasis placed on graduate training and research; and that it declines in the presence of a unionized faculty association. This suggests that the adoption of performance-based pay is apt to meet stronger resistance in undergraduate and unionized institutions.
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This article reviews the book, "Dominion of Capital: The Politics of Big Business and the Crisis of the Canadian Bourgeoisie, 1914-1947," by Don Nerbas.
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The article focuses on the underlying conditions contributing to the Winnipeg General Strike in Manitoba in 1919. It serves as a significant expression of the liberal view of the necessary reforms to handle industrial conflict and to provide for a more just economy. It states that the legitimate demands of labor could be accommodated within the existing constitutional framework with the developing economic maturity of Canada in the early 20th century and efficient state management of the economy.
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In this paper, we construct an index of the "cost of job loss" — defined as the income that a "representative worker" would lose upon being dismissed or laid off — in Canada between 1953 and 1985. Since this measure captures the monetary cost of unemployment, it is superior to the aggregate unemployment rate as an indicator of the relative bargaining power of capital and labour. Changes in the distribution of income between capital and labour are then considered. It is argued that with the decline in the cost of job loss between 1962 and 1973, the relative bargaining power of workers increased, and real wages rose accordingly. Subsequently, the cost of job loss has risen dramatically and real wages have fallen as capital has sought to restore conditions for rapid rates of accumulation.
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The short-lived experiment with final-offer selection (FOS) arbitration in Manitoba has evoked considerable conflict and controversy. Not only did business oppose FOS, but also the labor movement fought over and split on the issue. FOS was addressed to a real problem now facing organized labor, namely, the need to assist workers in the small, relatively weak bargaining units found in the fastest growing sectors of the economy in order to counter the changing structure of the labor force and the related decline in union membership. However, FOS addressed this problem by creating the risk that unions' willingness and capacity to strike would be eroded. In a comment, Grant argues that FOS has not been widely embraced by trade unions representing weaker bargaining units and that the researchers seem to take lightly the principle of free collective bargaining because, by submitting a dispute to a selector, the employer's right to engage in a work stoppage was unilaterally suspended.
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