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The article reviews and comments on "The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity" by Tariq Ali, "The Clash of Barbarisms: September 11 and the Making of the New World Disorder" by Gilbert Achcar , "Welcome to the Desert of the Real" by Slavoj Zizek's, "The New Rulers of the World" by John Pilger, and "The New Mandarins of American Power" by Alex Callinicos.
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The article reviews the book, "Housing, the State and the Poor: Policy and Practice in Three Latin American Cities," by Alan Gilbert and Peter M. Ward.
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Employment equity became a significant public policy issue in Canada following the 1984 publication of Equality in Employment: A Royal Commission Report² under the direction of Commissioner Rosalie Abella. Abella consulted widely with individual advocates and representatives of social movements to capture the growing concern for equality and equity issues that had crystallized with the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The result was a unique, Canadian approach to equity and it guided the development of a public policy agenda in very significant ways. However, the significance was not only in the establishment of a political culture friendly to an ideology of inclusiveness in the country’s workplaces; it also laid the ground for an acceptance of, and concessions to, certain aspects of political backlash. --Introduction
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This research report presents findings from research comparing employment equity policies in Canada’s 10 provinces and the federal government. We approach the issue of employment equity from the standpoint of challenging systemic oppression. We have sought to describe, explain and suggest ways to rectify a perceived impasse in the effective implementation of employment equity policy regarding the implications it holds for the advancement of visible minority women within the provincial government sector. We premised our study on a recognizable gap between legislative policy designed to promote greater workplace diversity for groups that have experienced systemic oppression within Canada, and the effective implementation of such policies in the workplace. --From Executive Summary
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The systemic reproduction of migrant domestics as non-citizens within the countries where they work and reside renders them in a meaningful sense stateless, as far as access to state protection of their rights is concerned. This is despite the formal retention of legal citizenship status accorded by their home country, and, often, the legal entry as non-citizen migrant workers in the host country. In previous chapters, we have identified how the construction of non-citizenship is central to maintaining the vulnerability of foreign domestic workers in Canada. In this chapter, we consider the lived experiences of domestic workers themselves, based largely on a survey of foreign domestic workers living in Toronto. This chapter offers a comparative analysis of the experiences of two groups of women of colour, those of West Indian and Filipino origin, working in the homes of upper-middle- and upper-class Canadian families resident in Toronto, Ontario in the mid-1990s.
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Over recent years, there has been a notable shift in feminist scholarship regarding the study of women's labor in the home. While in the 1960s and 1970s, research focused on the significance for women's oppression of unpaid domestic labor, since the 1980s more attention has been devoted to the role of paid domestic service in oppressing racial and ethnic minority, and working class women. The growing interest in paid domestic labor reflects a reflection among some feminists feminists that the employment of domestic households is a crucial means through which asymmetrical race and class relations among women are structured. ...In this article, we argue that in advanced states women's work iin the home cannot be fully understood without addressing statuses of members of household units and female migrant domestic workers.... Using the Canadian Live-in Caregiver Program as a case study, the article will demonstrate the pivotal role of private domestic placement agents in negotiating citizenship rights for migrant domestic workers and their employers. Rather than approaching domestic labor as an abstract and universal category, we instead draw attention to the variations among women positioned differently in terms of their class, race, and citizenship regarding labor performed in the home. Our analysis is based largely on intensive qualitative interviews with ten of the leading domestic placement agencies in Toronto, Ontario. Additionally, we observed several national and international meetings and conferences organized by placement agencies and consulted a wide variety of policy documents and secondary sources. --From introduction
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In [this book], experts on foreign domestic workers and workers-turned-activists document how the Canadian system has institutionalized unequal treatment of citizen and non-citizen workers. Since the 1940s, rights of citizenship for immigrant domestic workers in Canada have declined while the number of women recruited from Third World countries to work in Canadian homes has dramatically increased. The analysis...is both theoretical and practical, framing ideologies of privacy, maternalism, familialism, and rights, as well as examining government policy, labour organizing, and strategies to resist exploitation. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction / Abigail B. Bakan and Daiva Stasiulis -- Foreign domestic worker policy in Canada and the social boundaries of modern citizenship / Abigail B. Bakan and Daiva Stasiulis -- From mothers of the nation to migrant workers / Sedef Arat-Koc -- An affair between nations: international relations and the movement of household service workers / Patricia M. Daenzer -- Little victories and big defeats : the rise and fall of collective bargaining rights for domestic workers in Ontario / Judy Fudge -- The work at home is not recognized: organizing domestic workers in Montreal / Miriam Elvir -- We can still fight back: organizing domestic workers in Toronto / Pura M. Velasco.
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The working conditions of workers who are paid to perform domestic chores by the families in whose homes they live and work have proved to be remarkably resistant to legal regulation. The nature of this resil-ience is both ideological and material. While the logic of formal legal equality has accommodated demands by live-in domestic workers for the gradual extension of protective labour legislation to their work, this extension has been partial and ineffective. --Introduction`
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