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In the late 1970s, feminist historians urged us to “rethink” Canada by placing women’s perspectives and experiences at the centre of historical analysis. Forty years later, feminism continues to inform history writing in Canada and has inspired historians to look beyond the nation and adopt a more global perspective. This exciting new volume of original essays opens with a discussion of the debates, themes, and methodological approaches that have preoccupied women’s and gender historians across Canada over the past twenty years. The chapters that follow showcase the work of new and established scholars who draw on the insights of critical race theory, postcolonial theory, and transnational history to re-examine familiar topics such as biography and oral history, paid and unpaid work, marriage and family, and women’s political action. Whether they focus on the marriage of Governor James Douglas and his Metis wife, Amelia; representations of saleswomen in department store catalogues; or the careers of professional women such as international child activist Charlotte Whitton and Quebec social work professors at Laval University, the contributors demonstrate the continued relevance – and growth – of history informed by feminist perspectives, and they open a much-needed dialogue between francophone and anglophone historians in Canada.-- Publisher's description

This thesis provides a multi-method – historical, quantitative, qualitative, and jurisprudential – socio-legal case study of the unionization of agricultural workers in British Columbia. Agricultural employees have access to the Labour Relations Code of British Columbia. A historical examination of exclusion of agricultural workers from labour relations legislation from 1937 to 1975 explores the rationale behind labour relations laws and the political context of the legislative exclusion. Next, economic aspects of BC’s agricultural sector are described, with a focus on employment characteristics and the regionalised nature of agricultural production. Finally, this thesis explains the legal aspects of an ongoing campaign by the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) to unionize migrant and resident agricultural workers. The union organizing campaign shows how legal labour relations processes operate in relation to migrant workers in a sector with low rates of unionization and high rates of precarious and low-paid, dangerous work.

The article reviews the book, "Stalin's Man in Canada: Fred Rose and Soviet Espionage," by David Levy.

Pays homage to Irene Whitfield (1941-2013), who was managing editor of the journal from 1982 to 2007.

During World War I and the 1920s, African American trainmen throughout the South took advantage of federal administrative bodies that had set anti-discrimination rules to challenge racist employers and white trainmen alike. After the war, white workers insisted that African Americans be relegated to porter jobs. White employers demanded that African American workers who continued to work as brakemen and flagmen, as they had during the war, accept lower wages for such skilled work than their white counterparts were paid. The federal government preferred to turn a blind eye to racial discrimination against African American workers in the period after federal control of the railways ended. Despite this concerted attack from all sides on their rights, unions of African American trainmen continued their fight, with some success, before federal administrative tribunals as well as the courts to retain skilled positions and receive the same pay as their white equivalents. Only the devastation of rail jobs in the 1930s largely destroyed the African American trainmen's wartime gains.

The article reviews the book, "Du côté des vainqueurs : une sociologie de l’incertitude sur les marchés du travail," by François Sarfati.

The article reviews the book, "Game Plan: A Social History of Sport in Alberta," Karen L. Wall.

The article reviews the book, "Relentless Change: A Casebook for the Study of Canadian Business History," edited by Joe Martin.

Labour law does and must have a theory of justice. Without such a theory labour law has no account of the scope of its application or the point of its normative content. Scope and content are answerable to labour law's idea of justice and a change in our thinking about either entails a necessary rethinking of the other. Because labour law's world is changing labour law will have a new theory of justice. This chapter outlines briefly what such a theory might look like. It also discusses two lines of resistance to this way of thinking. --From editors' introduction

This article examines the revitalization of a union federation's capacity to represent young workers. It presents a qualitative study of the role and impact of one of the most developed forms of youth involvement in a union, youth committees. It first analyzes the extent to which these committees helped put the concerns of members under the age of 30 on the union federation's agenda and fostered their participation in its internal life. Second, it examines the ways in which these committees initiated a degree of change in the federation at the institutional level. Overall, our findings indicate that youth committees were able to question existing practices and initiate a degree of union change. However, the disagreements expressed by the young workers tended to remain confined within these parallel structures, thus limiting their potential to change the representative capacity of the federation.

The article reviews the book, "Brève histoire du régime seigneurial," by Benoît Grenier.

Work in the same-day courier sector is a precarious form of employment. Workers in this sector are also treated as self-employed and hired as independent contractors. The relationship with the firm for which they work, however, is hardly distinguishable from an employment relationship. Messengers are among a growing number of workers in Canada who can be labeled as disguised employees. To explore the phenomenon of disguised employment, I use a case study approach informed by critical political economic theory and a purposive approach to labour and employment law to examine work in the same-day courier sector in Toronto with a focus on a subpopulation of workers in this sector: bike messengers. I examine the causes and consequences of self-employment in the same-day courier sector, analyze messengers' work and argue that their employment status entails misclassification. In an increasingly market-mediated society we are witnessing a proliferation of unprotected work relationships with disguised employment being one manifestation of this development. Fortunately, some unions are trying to organize workers in disguised employment relationships. In this dissertation, I also examine an attempt by the Canadian Union of Postal Workers to organize workers in Toronto's same-day courier sector. I explore the processes and implications of organizing disguised employees and examine how organizing these workers relates to and can inform the project of union renewal in Canada. Gaining employee status, however, is no guarantee of successful organizing. The same-day courier sector is highly competitive and is dominated by small, decentralized employers. Organizing in such a sector is a formidable task. Under the collective bargaining regime, unions have to organize workers workplace by workplace. However, this is proving to be ineffective in highly competitive sectors dominated by small employers, and organizing efforts will likely only result in limited success. As I argue, unions can develop innovative strategies and tactics to organize workers. However, with the many structural obstacles unions face, these strategies and tactics can often fall short of their goals. To facilitate unionization in the same-day courier sector, the collective bargaining regime needs to be overhauled to mandate, or at least promote, multi-employer bargaining.

The article reviews the book, "Développement des identités, des compétences et des pratiques professionnelles," edited by Anne-Marie Vonthron, Sabine Pohl and Pascale Desrumaux.

Fernand Daoust est surtout connu pour avoir été un dirigeant central de la Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec (FTQ) pendant vingt-quatre ans. Or, cela est le fruit d'un véritable parcours du combattant dans le mouvement ouvrier. Le syndicaliste est né en 1926 dans des conditions très modestes et élevé dans une famille monoparentale. Sa curiosité, sa soif de connaissance et sa détermination l'ont entraîné bien au-delà des activités auxquelles ses origines le destinaient. Dans cette première partie de sa biographie, qui couvre les années 1926-1964, nous l'accompagnons dans le Montréal de la grande dépression, nous assistons à ses premiers engagements nationalistes pendant la crise de la conscription, à sa découverte des idéologies progressistes et à son entrée dans le mouvement syndical, malgré les dures conditions imposées aux syndicalistes par le régime Duplessis. Nous le voyons découvrir la nécessité de l'action politique et pressentons le futur dirigeant syndical. Accédant aux études universitaires à force de courage et de persévérance, son horizon intellectuel s'élargit. C'est tout naturellement qu'il choisit le syndicalisme pour y développer et approfondir son engagement social et politique. En faisant sienne l'idéologie socialiste, qui inspire les courants les plus dynamiques du syndicalisme québécois, le jeune syndicaliste ne renie cependant pas ses racines. Son socialisme s'incarne dans une nation spécifique, celle du Québec. Il n'était pas d'accord avec une majorité de syndicalistes de gauche de l'époque, qui qualifiaient de rétrogrades les aspirations nationales québécoises. Au contact des idées de gauche, le nationalisme de droite, dans lequel il avait baigné à l'adolescence et auquel il n'avait jamais totalement adhéré, a fait place à un nationalisme progressiste, précurseur de celui qu'allait épouser une proportion grandissante de la population québécoise.

Cet article présente les travaux d’une communauté de chercheurs du Réseau de recherche en santé et en sécurité du travail du Québec (RRSSTQ), créée en 2006, laquelle s’intéresse aux questions d’âges et de rapports sociaux en milieux de travail, en lien avec les conditions de travail et la santé et la sécurité du travail. De disciplines diverses (ergonomie, sociologie, psychosociologie, communication, droit, éducation), cette communauté réalise des recherches à partir d’enquêtes et d’études de terrain s’appuyant sur une approche compréhensive des phénomènes. Cette problématique se situe dans un contexte social singulier marqué, entre autres, par la mondialisation des marchés, une introduction massive des nouvelles technologies, une transformation des formes d’emploi, ainsi qu’un vieillissement de la main-d’oeuvre dans les pays industrialisés. Ces transformations créent des conditions particulières de rétention et d’intégration de la main-d’oeuvre dans les milieux de travail. À partir des données de l’Enquête québécoise sur des conditions de travail, d’emploi et de santé et de sécurité du travail (EQCOTESST), réalisée en 2008, auprès d’un échantillon représentatif de 5 071 répondants, l’objectif de cette étude est de tracer un portrait des conditions de travail en fonction de l’âge des travailleurs au Québec. L’article propose l’interprétation de ce portrait à partir d’un cadre d’analyse s’appuyant sur une approche diachronique des dynamiques âge-travail-santé dans le but de mieux orienter les interventions en milieu de travail.

Extensively revised throughout and including a chapter of new material, Rebel Life chronicles the life of labour organizer, revolutionary, anarchist and labour spy Robert Gosden. Mark Leier's revisions incorporate new information about Gosden's career that has come to light since the first edition was published in 1999. Canada's west coast was rife with upheaval in the second and third decades of the twentieth century. At the centre of the turmoil is Robert Gosden, migrant labourer turned radical activistヨturned police spy. In 1913, he publicly recommends assassinating Premier Richard McBride to resolve theminers' strike. By 1919, he is urging Prime Minister Robert Borden to "disappear" key labour radicals to quelch rising discontent. What happened?Rebel Life plumbs the enigma that was Gosden, but it is much more: an introduction to BC labour history: a trove of rarely seen archival photograph, and sidebars rich with historical arcana; and, with its chapter describing the research that unearthed Gosden's story, Rebel Life is a rich resource for instructors, students, and trade unionists alike.

Temporary foreign workers have been employed – or simply used – throughout history. Their plights have gained some attention across the globe in recent decades. Canada as a major receiving country of these workers and the Philippines as a prolific sending country of workers are selected as case studies to examine whether measures taken internationally, nationally and locally are adequate to protect these workers, especially those in low-skilled occupations. Based on prior research on the workers’ well-being, the answer is no in at least five areas: recruitment, matching of qualifications, abuse, housing, and family separation. Suggestions are made to address these specific areas. In addition, it is argued that, in order to protect the workers, civil society should also be involved and expanded rights should be given to the workers.

The article reviews the book, "In Pursuit of Gold: Chinese American Miners and Merchants in the American West," by Sue Fawn Chung.

This paper explores changes in labour market outcomes between June 2005 and November 2010. It asks if the recovery in labour markets following the 2008 financial crisis favoured men or women. The analysis is based on a unique longitudinal database of individuals in the Toronto-Hamilton labour market. Men were the most likely to have paid employment in the post-financial crisis period, but only at the cost of a significant deterioration in its terms and conditions. The findings suggest that many middle-aged workers were not protected by job seniority or implicit lifetime employment relationships. The findings point to a further decline in the prevalence of the standard employment relationship and the male breadwinner model of employment.

As the title - Safety or Profit? - suggests, health and safety at work needs to be understood in the context of the wider political economy. This book brings together contributions informed by this view from internationally recognized scholars. It reviews the governance of health and safety at work, with special reference to Australia, Canada, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Three main aspects are discussed. The restructuring of the labor market: this is considered with respect to precarious work and to gender issues and their implications for the health and safety of workers. The neoliberal agenda: this is examined with respect to the diminished power of organized labor, decriminalization, and new governance theory, including an examination of how well the health-and-safety-at-work regimes put in place in many industrial societies about forty years ago have fared and how distinctive the recent emphasis on self-regulation in several countries really is. The role of evidence: there is a dearth of evidence-based policy. The book examines how policy on health and safety at work is formulated at both company and state levels. Cases considered include the scant regard paid to evidence by an official inquiry into future strategy in Canada; the lack of evidence-based policy and the reluctance to observe the precautionary principle with respect to work-related cancer in the United Kingdom; and the failure to learn from past mistakes in the Deepwater Horizon disaster in the Gulf of Mexico. --Publisher's description