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For a long time, it has been believed that it is possible to leave our emotions at the threshold of the workplace. This excessively simplifies the complexity and heterogeneity of work, leading to an underestimation of the effects of work on health. Our objective is to understand one particular form of the expression of workers’ emotions: crying at work, which may be linked to an excess of emotional labour or to the impossibility of its achievement. Thus, differences between male and female crying, at least at work, may be explained not only by a gendered socialisation of individuals, but also by the sexual division of emotional labour. This imposes an emotional overload on women, since a more intensive management of emotions is demanded of them at work.

This article argues the case for recognising the value of labour learning within the formal education system. It is based on an introduction to the report by Gereluk (2001) and discusses the impact of prior learning and recognition (PLAR) on Canadian labour education as well as outlining why labour education deserves recognition. The article reviews aspects of labour education detailed in the report including the content and purposes of union courses and who participates in, and who delivers, union courses.

The article reviews the book "Regulating Girls and Women: Sexuality, Family, and the Law in Ontario, 1920-1960," by Joan Sangster.

Not for Bread Alone: A Memoir, by Moe Foner and Dan North, is reviewed.

During the First World War, some Canadian women found themselves in new and unfamiliar environments, doing jobs apparently unavailable to them before the war. Many of those women were successful in the new opportunities available to them. The focus of this study is twofold. First, it examines the scope and the nature of women's work in two industries, banking and munitions, during the war. This is an important step because we still know very little about women's experience of the war. Understanding how many women worked and in what capacity is essential to understanding the nuances of women's wartime experience. Women who worked in banking and munitions were not a homogeneous group. The composition of the wartime workforce is also analysed. The war's impact on wage rates for women is also examined. Second, the study focuses on the nature of the impact of wartime participation on gender ideology. In particular, the study seeks to determine if gender ideology was affected by women's expanded opportunities in masculine occupations during the war. Often, the historiography regarding women and war is characterised by a binary discourse that seeks to determine whether on not wars liberate women. Rather than engage in that debate, this study attempts to avoid it as much as possible. Women's experience of the war in these two industries was complex. The study explores how women could both challenge and reaffirm ideas about gender; how attitudes towards and about women could change and remain the same; and how employee and employers alike strove to undermine and maintain the sexual division of labour and labour processes that were threatened by the entrance of large numbers of women into jobs defined as men's work. Women's participation both challenged and reinforced traditional notions about gender. Essentially, despite being successful ‘bankers’ women remained unsuitable for a career in banking. Similarly, regardless of their participation in munitions factories, metal shops remained no place for women. Quantitative, oral interview and qualitative sources including contemporary newspapers and magazines, were used. In particular, a great deal of the evidence was derived from several databases constructed for this project.

The article reviews the book, "From the Folks Who Brought You the Weekend: A Short Illustrated History of Labor in the United States," by Priscilla Murolo and A.B. Chitty.

The article reviews the book, "State and Revolution in Cuba: Mass Mobilization and Political Change, 1920-1940," by Robert Whitney.

The article reviews the book, "Women on the Job: Transitions in a Global Economy," by Ann Eyerman.

The article reviews the book "The IWA in Canada: The Life and Times of an Industrial Union," by Andrew Neufeld and Andrew Parnaby.

The article reviews the book, "Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development," by Joseph E. Inikori.

Hi-tech tactics during a strike at a dockside factory in Montreal. A workplace cancer tragedy in Sarnia, Ontario. Immigrant workers sticking with their union at the chocolate factory. A struggle for pay equity in the courts and on the streets. A campaign to create jobs by cutting hours of work in B.C. An organizing drive 350 kilometres out into the frigid Atlantic. These are some of the fascinating stories told by Jamie Swift in his chronicle of the first ten eventful years of one of the most dynamic labour unions in North America. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "The Transformation of Edinburgh: Land, Property and Trust in the Nineteenth Century," by Richard Rodger.

The article reviews the book "Opportunity and Uncertainty: Life Course Experiences of the Class of 1973," by Paul Anisef, Paul Axelrod, Etta Balchman-Anisef, Carl James, and Anton Turrittin.

The article reviews the book, "Du train à vapeur au TGV : sociologie du travail d’organisation," by Gilbert de Terssac and Karine Lalande.

Reviews the book "Travail, famille: le nouveau contrat," by Marie-Agnes Barrere-Maurisson.

Reviews the book 'Working Time Changes: Social Integration Through Transitional Labour Markets,' by Jacqueline O'Reilly.

Despite the comprehensiveness of neo-liberal restructuring in Canada, it has not proceeded uniformly in its timing or outcomes across regulatory fields and political jurisdictions. The example of occupational health and safety (OHS) regulation is instructive. This article compares recent OHS developments in five Canadian jurisdictions, Alberta, British Columbia, Nova Scotia, Ontario and the Federal jurisdiction. It finds that despite the adoption of a common model by all jurisdictions, there has recently been considerable divergence in the way that the elements of worker participation and protection have been combined. Modified power resource theory is used to explain a portion of this divergence.

The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life, by Richard Florida, is reviewed.

Codes of conduct for multinational companies (MNCs) can be defined as a set of principles which a company voluntarily agrees to adhere to within the context of its activities. These principles may relate to aspects that are as diverse as trade practices, corporate conduct and ethics, environmental standards, working conditions and human rights, and apply to MNCs' subsidiaries and their subcontractors. Many Canadian companies have adopted such codes. These codes of conduct cannot be considered as spaces for the protection of the freedom of association since, according to an ILO study, only 15 percent of the codes contain references to association, organization and collective bargaining rights. However, they can be considered as spaces for the exercise of the freedom of association. Studies by a group of researchers of which we are members show that, in fact, codes of conduct involve collective relations. These collective relations do not correspond to the institutionalized labour relations of collective bargaining but rather bring several actors together, involve several issues, and combine several means of action. The latter are not limited to collective bargaining and strikes, but involve the presentation of shareholders' proposals, the organization of boycott and picketing campaigns, or the adoption of legal strategies that raise doubts about the MNC's respect for its commitments abroad. These means of action make it possible to intervene in areas where the MNC is vulnerable, i.e., its corporate image or the image of its product as well as its finances. State law is not absent from these social dynamics. Rules of law govern shareholders' proposals or the information that the company is required or not required to divulge, the secondary boycott and picketing campaigns, and the MNC's responsibility. This paper briefly sets out these rules and attempts to identify the opportunities that they create and the limits that they impose on actors, in particular trade unions, who wish to act on the MNC's new sources of vulnerability. The rules of corporate law will be examined first. The amendments made in 2001 to the Canada Business Corporations Act regarding the rules governing the shareholders' proposals, the proposals of the Canadian Democracy and Corporate Accountability Commission as well as the creation in Europe of the Statute for a European Company reveal the striking differences between the courses of action favoured in Europe and those proposed in Canada to integrate social concerns into corporate law. While the European model favours one actor—workers—whom it recognizes, regulating their representation and participation within the company, the aim of the Canadian proposals is to ensure that the interests of all stakeholders in the company—and not only those of workers—are taken into account by company managers. The evolving law related to freedom of expression also has an impact on the means of international trade union action. Codes of conduct are often a response to the campaigns led by trade unions and other civil society groups against the behaviour or the effects of the activities of a given company on the living conditions of populations or workers, or on the environment. These campaigns are based on strategies centred on the information about the company or its products and may take the form of a boycott or picketing, traditional union measures, if there ever were. What makes these means novel is that they are used independently of collective bargaining or recourse to a strike. Two recent decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada have cleared up any uncertainties about the legality of the trade unions' means of international action. These decisions must be interpreted alongside other decisions where the Supreme Court of Canada has had to interpret the freedom of expression of consumers or the limits to the freedom of expression established by the legal principles for defamation. This is the legal effect of the fact that trade unions are treated as any other civil society actor.

Violence towards health-care personnel represent an increasing problem, but little is known in terms of how different occupational groups are affected. A questionnaire was sent to a stratified sample of 2,800 of 173,000 employees in the Swedish municipal health and welfare sector. Seven major groups working with the elderly or persons with developmental disabilities were considered: administrators, nursing specialists, supervisors, direct carers, nursing auxiliaries, assistant nurses, and personal assistants. The response rate was 85 percent. Fifty-one percent of respondents reported exposure to violence or threats of violence over one year. The most vulnerable groups were assistant nurses and direct carers (usually of the developmentally disabled). Individual characteristics, such as age and organizational tenure, were related to exposure. Work-related characteristics, such as type of workplace, working full-time with clients, organizational downsizing, and high workload, were also associated with risk. Greater knowledge of impacts on different professional groups and relevant prevention are required.