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In this discussion paper, we make the case for a renewed national dialogue on workplace democracy. Though the term may sound better suited to an academic/policy conference from the 1970s, in plain terms workplace democracy actually speaks to an ever-present need: i.e., advancing the fundamental rights of employees to associate freely and to have some say over decisions that affect their lives in the workplace. By expanding employee voice, as a country, we can also generate positive spillovers that enhance job satisfaction, raise productivity and increase civic participation. These benefits improve the lives of workers, increase the bottom lines for firms and enrich society as a whole. These are also ideas, it should be noted, that lie at the heart of industrial relations scholarship going back more than a century and which we draw from in this discussion paper. --Executive Summary

When Winnipeg's Cy Gonick started the magazine Canadian Dimension in 1963 to provide a home for the thinking and analysis of mostly young leftists engaged in Canadian economic, social, cultural, artistic and political issues, he had no grand plan. But Canadian Dimension was welcomed by intellectuals, scholars and students, and it proved enduring. Hundreds of Canada's leading figures of the left have contributed to its pages over the years, writing about every major topic in Canadian public life. This book offers an account of the most important developments in Canadian history from the sixties until today, as seen and interpreted by scholars and writers on the pages of Dimension. Each chapter reviews a major theme, such as Canada's relationship to the U.S., the development of our health care system, the dynamics of Aboriginal-non-Aboriginal relations and the role of Canadian cultural work in shaping Canadian society. Taken together, the book provides a unique and broad perspective on virtually every significant event and development in recent Canadian history. Readers who know the magazine will find this book a compelling summary of how Canada changed in the past five decades, and how the Left saw those changes and challenged them. Readers who discover Canadian Dimension through this book will find a multitude of compelling voices who challenge the dominant neoliberal thinking of mainstream Canadian intellectual life. --Publisher's description.

The article reviews the book, "Prévenir les problèmes de santé mentale au travail : contribution d’une recherche-action en milieu scolaire," by Marie-France Maranda, Simon Viviers et Jean-Simon Deslauriers.

The article reviews the book, "International and Comparative Employment Relations. National regulation, global changes," 6th ed., by Greg J. Bamber, Russell D. Lansbury, Nick Wailes and Chris F. Wright.

This article reviews the book, "The Philosophical Foundations of Management Thought," by Jean-Etienne Joullié and Robert Spillane.

Introduces the memoir of Marko P. Hećimović (1894-1967). Written in 1939, the memoir focuses on Hećimović's role in the establishment of a communist press in Canada in 1931 that was published in the language of South Slavic immigrant workers such as himself (at the time, Hećimović, a Croat, was a miner in Anyox, BC).

This article adopts an in-depth clinical perspective based on the theoretical framework of grief in order to examine individuals’ reactions following psychological contract violation over a period of 12 months. By focusing on emotional intra-psychic phenomena our study provides evidence of the enduring effects of psychological contract violation on individuals and the employment relationship. We conducted a total of 60 interviews among 11 managers of a temporary employment agency that has implemented a series of organizational changes, mainly related to restructuring and downsizing decisions. The 11 managers interviewed have been chosen after having reported in a short survey that they experienced a psychological contract violation at work. Our results indicate that psychological contract violation triggers the subject into a grief process only when violation deprives the individual from a highly invested object at work. In these circumstances, the grief process lasts longer than we originally expected since, over 12 months, we were unable to observe the grief process in its entirety among our participants. We also find that the grief process may be accelerated or stopped according to the capacity of the organization and the individual to offer new objects that satisfy the individual’s needs and thus may help the person mourn the loss experienced as a result of the violation. Finally, our results show that the grief process deeply alters the employment relationship and modifies the amount and intensity of energy that the participants of our study devote to their work. // Cet article adopte une perspective clinique fondée sur le cadre théorique du deuil afin de d’examiner les réactions à la violation du contrat psychologique au cours d’une période de 12 mois. En se centrant sur les phénomènes émotionnels propres à l’individu, notre étude apporte des éléments d’observation des effets durables que peut engendrer la violation du contrat psychologique chez les personnes concernées, et de la manière dont ces effets altèrent leur relation d’emploi avec l’entreprise. Nous avons mené, au total, 60 entretiens auprès de 11 gestionnaires d’une agence de travail temporaire qui a mis en place une série de changements organisationnels importants, portant essentiellement sur des restructurations et coupures de poste. Les 11 gestionnaires interrogés furent sélectionnés après avoir vérifié, au préalable lors d’une enquête brève, qu’ils avaient bien vécu un sentiment de violation du contrat psychologique. Nos résultats montrent que la violation du contrat psychologique ne pousse le sujet à effectuer un travail de deuil que lorsque cette violation prive l’individu d’un objet fortement investi au travail. Dans ces circonstances, le deuil est un processus plus long que nous l’avions anticipé, puisqu’à l’issue de la période de collecte (soit 12 mois), nous n’avons pas été en mesure d’observer l’ensemble du processus chez les participants. Nos résultats indiquent aussi que le processus de deuil peut être accéléré ou ralenti selon la capacité de l’organisation et de l’individu à offrir ou trouver de nouveaux objets qui satisfont les besoins de l’individu et l’aident à accepter la perte vécue lors de la violation. Finalement, nos résultats montrent que le processus de deuil conduit à une modification importante de la relation d’emploi et qu’il change tant le contenu que l’intensité de l’énergie que les participants consacrent à leur travail.

The article reviews the book, "Canadian State Trials, Volume IV: Security, Dissent, and the Limits of Toleration in War and Peace, 1914–1939, edited by Barry Wright, Eric Tucker, and Susan Binnie.

Background: Although worker representation in OHS has been widely recognized as contributing to health and safety improvements at work, few studies have examined the role that worker representatives play in this process. Using a large quantitative sample, this paper seeks to confirm findings from an earlier exploratory qualitative study that worker representatives can be differentiated by the knowledge intensive tactics and strategies that they use to achieve changes in their workplace. Methods: Just under 900 worker health and safety representatives in Ontario completed surveys which asked them to report on the amount of time they devoted to different types of representation activities (i.e., technical activities such as inspections and report writing vs. political activities such as mobilizing workers to build support), the kinds of conditions or hazards they tried to address through their representation (e.g., housekeeping vs. modifications in ventilation systems), and their reported success in making positive improvements. A cluster analysis was used to determine whether the worker representatives could be distinguished in terms of the relative time devoted to different activities and the clusters were then compared with reference to types of intervention efforts and outcomes. Results: The cluster analysis identified three distinct groupings of representatives with significant differences in reported types of interventions and in their level of reported impact. Two of the clusters were consistent with the findings in the exploratory study, identified as knowledge activism for greater emphasis on knowledge based political activity and technical-legal representation for greater emphasis on formalized technical oriented procedures and legal regulations. Knowledge activists were more likely to take on challenging interventions and they reported more impact across the full range of interventions. Conclusions This paper provides further support for the concepts of knowledge activism and technical-legal representation when differentiating the strategic orientations and impact of worker health and safety representatives, with important implications for education, political support and recruitment.

In Northern Canada, Indigenous mixed economies persist alongside and in resistance to capital accumulation. The day-to-day sites and processes of colonial struggle, and, in particular, their gendered nature, are too often ignored. This piece takes an anti-colonial materialist approach to the multiple labours of Indigenous women in Canada, arguing that their social-reproductive labour is a primary site of struggle: a site of violent capitalist accumulation and persistent decolonising resistance. In making this argument, this piece draws on social-reproduction feminism, and anti-racist, Indigenous and anti-colonial feminism, asking what it means to take an anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism. It presents an expanded conception of production that encompasses not just the dialectic of capitalist production and reproduction, but also non-capitalist, subsistence production. An anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism challenges one to think through questions of non-capitalist labour and the way different forms of labour persist relationally, reproducing and resisting capitalist modes of production.

The article reviews the book, "Soviet Princeton: Slim Evans and the 1932–33 Miners' Strike by Jon Bartlett and Rika Ruebsaat.

In this report, we begin by setting the context of living and working in Greater Victoria, examining low wages, high cost of living, and employment trends, particularly in relation to work in the retail, food service, and hospitality industries. We characterize retail, food service, and hospitality work as “precarious work,” providing workers with very little in the way of wages, benefits, job security, stability, protection, or basic respect and dignity. Existing employment standards are not adequate to protect workers in retail, food service, and hospitality. The key contribution of this report is its exploration of key areas of concern – low-wages, lack of benefits, unstable scheduling practices, unfair job expectations, disregard for workersʼ health and safety, poor treatment, workplace justice – through the workersʼ own experiences and voices. We would like to thank these workers for sharing their experiences with us. By bringing these various and similar experiences together, we hope this report will help provide a grounding to fight for workplace justice.

The article reviews the book, "La « rébellion de 1837 » à travers le prisme du Montreal Herald. La refondation par les armes des institutions politiques canadiennes," by François Deschamps.

The article reviews the book, "Capitalism: A Short History," by Jürgen Kocka.

Après plusieurs décennies de formation et de mises en pratique de la NBI dans les relations patronales-syndicales, cette étude cherche à comprendre la résonnance pratique de cette approche auprès des négociateurs syndicaux ainsi que comment elle est réellement utilisée dans le cadre de négociations collectives. Rapportant les résultats d’une étude empirique menée auprès de quarante-cinq négociateurs syndicaux œuvrant dans le secteur privé et ayant, pour la plupart, mis en pratique à plusieurs reprises la NBI au cours des dernières années, les résultats de cette recherche soulignent à la fois les limites et les retombées multiples de cette approche sur la pratique de la négociation collective en entreprise. Les résultats de notre étude démontrent que les négociateurs syndicaux n’hésitent pas à s’approprier la NBI et à modeler ses principes et procédés en fonction de leurs besoins et du contexte dans lequel ils interviennent. Cette « appropriation imaginative » de la NBI ainsi que les pratiques innovantes auxquelles elle donne lieu montrent, non seulement l’existence de frontières poreuses entre les approches distributive et intégrative et l’existence de « négociation mixte » (ou mixed motive bargaining), mais également les différentes formes que peuvent prendre cette négociation mixte dans le cadre de la négociation collective. Enfin, si les négociateurs syndicaux interrogés rapportent très peu de cas d’application intégrale de la NBI, cette recherche révèle néanmoins à quel point cette approche s’avère, à travers ses diverses formes d’appropriation, une source fondamentale de l’évolution de la pratique de la négociation collective.

This article examines the development of the ILO’s Global Strategy on Occupational Safety and Health through the lens of social exclusion. Social exclusion is a transversal concept across the social sciences. The article integrates the study of exclusion as an essential element of institutional analysis in industrial relations. After discussing the treatment of the study of exclusion in labour and employment relations scholarship, it presents an analytic frame using four mechanisms of exclusion taken from sociology: 1- encoding; 2- framing pathways; 3- non-decision making; and 4- mining actualities. Observations are presented from a qualitative study of 125 preparatory and legal texts created through the development of the Global Strategy between 2000 and 2015. The method of analysis is a socio-historic interpretation following the principles of analysis of primary source documents outlined by Marc Trachtenberg in his book The Craft of International History: A Guide to Method. Exclusionary dynamics are observed in three areas: 1- managing the meaning of OSH policy integration; 2- shaping the role of collective labour rights in OSH policy; and 3- sidestepping the development of specific OSH hazard protections. Comparisons are made at key points with recent normative work by UN human rights bodies, including the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and their General Comment No. 23 on the human right to just and favourable conditions of work. The result is a Global OSH Strategy with promotional strengths, but also neoliberal values interwoven in its policy framework. // Cet article examine le développement de la Stratégie globale en matière de sécurité et de santé au travail de l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) à travers le prisme de l’exclusion sociale. L’exclusion sociale est un concept transversal dans les sciences sociales. L’article intègre l’étude de l’exclusion comme une composante essentielle d’une analyse institutionnelle en relations industrielles. Il présente un cadre analytique en utilisant quatre mécanismes d’exclusion repris de la sociologie : 1- l’encodage ; 2- les voies encadrant ; 3- la non-prise de décision ; et 4- les actualités minées. Les observations sont présentées à partir d’une étude qualitative de 125 textes juridiques préparatoires rédigés dans le cadre du développement de la Stratégie globale entre 2000 et 2015. Notre méthode s’avère être une interprétation socio-historique suivant les principes de l’analyse des documents primaires articulés par Marc Trachtenberg dans son livre The Craft of International History : A Guide to Method. Des dynamiques d’exclusion furent observées dans trois domaines : 1- la gestion du sens de l’intégration des politiques en matière de SST ; 2- l’élaboration du rôle des droits collectifs du travail dans la politique en matière de SST ; et 3- le développement des protections spécifiques de danger en matière de SST. Le résultat a donné une Stratégie globale en matière de SST avec des forces de promotion, mais aussi des valeurs néolibérales entrelacées dans le cadre de sa politique.

This ethnographic thesis project critically examines the experiences of Jamaican migrant farmworkers employed in the Okanagan Valley, British Columbia via the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). First introduced in 1966, the SAWP is the oldest and longest-standing labour migration regime in Canada and the principal agricultural stream of the federal Temporary Foreign Worker Program. Drawing upon the salient work of numerous activists and scholars who have contended that the SAWP facilitates a form of transnational indentureship by bonding migrant workers to their employers, I argue that the SAWP farm site constitutes a peculiar and totalizing institution that capitalizes on the unfreedom of black labour. I apply critical race theory to situate workers’ experiences of surveillance, immobilization, and hyper-exploitation in addition to their characterization of farm life as “prison life” within a postslavery context. I conclude that only by acknowledging the role of racism and its relationship to the border can we ever hope to truly achieve justice for migrant farmworkers in Canada.

The article reviews the book, "Disaster Citizenship: Survivors, Solidarity, and Power in the Progressive Era," by Jacob A.C. Remes.

Historians have analyzed working-class masculinities from multiple perspectives, but few have examined how these masculinities were viewed and experienced by working-class women. Ida Martin (nee Friars), a working-class diarist from Saint John, New Brunswick, commented on the work-related activities and social behaviours of her husband, Allan Robert Martin (AR), a longshoreman and odd-jobber. Ida’s diaries reveal that older forms of working-class masculinity persisted in the postwar period in Saint John, including participation in a homosocial recreational culture; risk-taking behaviour; and a commitment to direct action as a form of labour unrest. Moreover, Martin’s diaries illustrate that AR’s participation in these forms of masculinity threatened the stability of the family economy. By documenting AR’s various injuries, the diaries also highlight the impact that physically demanding and dangerous work had on working-class male bodies.

This study examines Metro Vancouver working poverty trends by neighbourhood pre- and post- the 2008 recession. We are often told that the solution to poverty is for the poor to “get a job” or for various sectors to create more jobs. But this study finds that a job is not a guaranteed path out of poverty. Over 100,000 working-age people in Metro Vancouver were working but stuck below the poverty line in 2012, not counting students and young adults living at home with their parents. Contrary to stereotypes about poverty being concentrated mainly in Vancouver and Surrey, this study finds the growing ranks of the working poor are spread out across the Metro Vancouver region. The study explores the economic and public policy contributing to working poverty and develops recommendations for change. The study is a co-publication of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives – BC Office, the United Way of the Lower Mainland, and the BC Poverty Reduction Coalition.