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Assesses the 2013 resolution of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage to conduct a thorough and comprehensive review of significant aspects in Canadian history. Takes note of trends in historiography and comments on the Canadian Historical Association's letter, which called for a balanced and non-partisan approach to the review.

This article reviews the book, "Too Asian: Racism, Privilege, and Post-Secondary Education," ed. by Jeet Heer, Michael C.K. Ma, Davina Bhandar and R.J. Gilmour.

The article reviews the book, "L'interculturalisme. Un point de vue québécois," by Gérard Bouchard.

The article reviews the book, "The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the Politics of Public Health in Canada," by Mark Osborne Humphries.

The article reviews the book, "Basements and Attics, Closets and Cyberspace: Exploration In Canadian Women's Archives," edited by Linda M. Morra and Jessica Schagerl.

Alors que le Québec est plongé dans la Grande Dépression, l'abbé Pierre Gravel promeut le syndicalisme dans l'industrie québécoise de l'amiante. Son discours radical et sévère à l'endroit des patrons tranche avec celui des autres prêtres qui oeuvrent dans le mouvement ouvrier. À l'aube de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, il encourage les Canadiens français à mener une révolution nationale en s'inspirant des dictateurs européens. Orateur aux idées sociales et nationales arrêtées et parfois dérangeantes, il fait face à l'opposition des gouvernements. Antisémite et ultranationaliste, ce réactionnaire prêche pourtant une doctrine sociale qui pouvait être considérée comme « communiste » à son époque et dont plusieurs éléments seront mis en place au cours de la Révolution tranquille, à commencer par la nationalisation de l'électricité. Comment peut-on concilier ces deux écoles de pensée à première vue contradictoires ? Peut-on être à la fois syndicaliste et fasciste ? Le parcours de l'abbé Pierre Gravel contribue à jeter un regard nouveau sur la droite nationaliste québécoise de cette époque tourmentée. --Publisher's description

The late 19th century witnessed an explosion of interest in canoeing as sport, recreation, and leisure in Canada, the United States, and Britain. One of the enduring legacies of the “canoe boom” was the American Canoe Association (ACA), a transnational organization established in 1880 to “unite all amateur canoeists for the purpose of pleasure, health, or exploration.” Annual meet­ings were central to realizing this mission. For two weeks in August, hundreds of enthusiasts from Canada and the United States came together to camp out, socialize, and race canoes. The encampments would not have occurred – or at the very least they would have looked drastically different – without the carpenters, cooks, servers, performers, and general labourers the organization hired to do the heavy work of construction, maintenance, and service. In spite of their importance, these workers exist, at best, on the margins of the official accounts of the meets; in most cases, they are altogether ignored. Recovery of this labouring past is difficult, and admittedly fragmentary. However, it is critical to the history of labour and of sport.

Takes note in this concluding commentary of the papers presented and argues that Stephen Harper was not unlike other prime ministers (e.g., the impact of Pierre Trudeau's 1982 Constitution Act) in his attempts to alter symbols and institutions associated with Canada's national identity. Discusses the resistance to Harper's changes at the national level as well as the criticism of Canada by James Anaya, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Concludes that Harper was intent on consolidating a new Conservative power elite.

This paper provides an overview and analysis of three recent decisions on privacy rights by Canada's highest courts, and considers their implications for workplace privacy law, particularly the issue of employer monitoring of employees' e-mail and internet use. In contrast to earlier case law, in which a U.S. -influenced, property-based approach to privacy prevailed, these decisions, in the author's view, signal the emergence of a more meaningful and nuanced conception of workplace privacy. The author further argues that this concep- tion is consistent with a movement (however incremental) towards a model of "privacy self-management" in the workplace, which is characterized by two key principles - proportionality and shared accountability. This model recognizes that, in ensuring a proper measure of privacy protection for employees, work- place parties are under reciprocal affirmative duties. In taking action that may infringe employee privacy, the employer would be required to use means that are rationally related to legitimate business objectives and that are minimally invasive of privacy, as well as to carefully elucidate any applicable policies through the provision of privacy awareness education. Employees, for their part, would be required to accept a share of the responsibility for their own privacy, by clearly indicating to the employer what material or content they consider to be private.

This article reviews the book, "Consuming Modernity: Gendered Behaviour and Consumerism before the Baby Boom," ed. by Cheryl Krasnick Warsh and Dan Malleck.

This article rejects the claim - maintained, until very recently, before the ILO by the International Organisation of Employers (JOE) - that the right to strike is not protected by international law. The author notes that in advan- cing this position, the IDE focused on the interpretation of ILO Convention 87 on freedom of association, which, though it does not specifically address the right to strike, has been read as implicitly including such a right by the ILO's independent Committee of Experts. In his view, regardless of whether or not Convention 87 includes a right to strike, that right is clearly protected by a number of other international law sources, among them the ILO Constitution, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. He also describes how the European Court of Human Rights, in developing a normative basis for the right to strike in recent ground-breaking decisions, has relied on a wide range of treaties, including ILO Convention 87. The author emphasizes that the ques- tion has important implications not only for constitutional litigation in Canada (where both the federal and provincial governments have been criticized by the ILO supervisory bodies for their frequent resort to back-to- work legislation), but for basic labour rights globally (such as in Cambodia, where the recent killing of striking workers has underlined the need for universal standards). The paper concludes with a postscript in which the author reflects on two key developments that occurred shortly before this issue of the CLELJ went to press: the Supreme Court of Canada's recognition, in the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour case, of a right to strike under section 2(d) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms guaranteeing freedom of association; and the concession by the IOE, less than a month after the Supreme Court's decision, that ILO instruments do in fact protect the right to strike.

Introduces four papers given by former PhD students of Bettina Bradbury at a roundtable on the feminist historian at Brock University in May 2014.

This article reviews the book, "Feminist History in Canada: New Essays on Women, Gender, Work, and Nation," edited by Catherine Carstairs and Nancy Janovicek.

Les questions de justice et d’équité dans le management demeurent une préoccupation majeure pour les salariés (Ambrose et Schminke, 2003). Pourtant, en gestion des ressources humaines, l’influence des perceptions de justice organisationnelle sur la motivation intrinsèque au travail, n’a suscité que très peu de recherches (Grenier et al., 2010). Cet article propose justement, d’analyser l’effet différencié des quatre dimensions de la justice organisationnelle sur cette forme de motivation au travail. Il propose aussi de mettre en évidence le rôle de la reconnaissance de la part des supérieurs hiérarchiques dans l’étude de la motivation intrinsèque, mais aussi d’analyser la relation entre la justice et la reconnaissance. Ainsi, le cadre théorique mobilisé dans cette recherche repose sur les apports de la théorie de l’autodétermination (Deci et Ryan, 1985), ceux de la théorie de la justice organisationnelle (Greenberg, 1987) et la littérature sur la reconnaissance (Brun et Dugas, 2002).Pour ce faire, un rappel des fondements théoriques permettant d’établir les liens existant entre ces variables a d’abord été réalisé, afin de montrer comment la justice organisationnelle et la reconnaissance de la part des supérieurs hiérarchiques peuvent favoriser la motivation intrinsèque au travail. Ensuite, des analyses de régressions multiples ont permis de présenter les résultats de l’étude empirique réalisée sur une population de 787 salariés venant de divers secteurs d’activités. Fondée ainsi uniquement sur une enquête par questionnaire, cette étude a permis d’analyser les liens qui pouvaient s’opérer entre ces trois concepts. Il s’avère que la perception de justice organisationnelle, notamment dans la distribution des ressources de l’organisation, dans les relations interpersonnelles et dans les informations communiquées, peut avoir une influence positive sur la motivation intrinsèque au travail. Cet impact de la justice organisationnelle sur la motivation intrinsèque au travail peut aussi être fortement renforcé par la reconnaissance de la part des supérieurs hiérarchiques.

This report builds on the framework and analysis of Made in Canada. As a next step in the research, it focuses on recruitment because that is the stage where the power imbalance between workers and recruiters/employers is greatest, and yet it is the stage with the least effective legal oversight. This research aims to move beyond the now well-worn phrases of “unscrupulous recruiters” and “exorbitant fees” to build a more nuanced understanding of how low-wage migrant workers experience transnational recruitment. It examines the choices workers make (and are forced to make) in seeking work abroad; how recruiters exercise leverage over migrant workers, their families, and communities; why recruitment fees are oppressive; and how a recruitment relationship can undermine workers’ security and their legal rights long after they arrive in Canada. --From introduction.

A response from the authors of the book that was reviewed entitled "Constitutional Labour Rights in Canada: Farm Workers and the Fraser Case" is presented. They all shared a commitment to the goal of promoting labour rights for agricultural workers and a belief that constitutional litigation could be a tool through which that objective was advanced. They want the implication of this formulation to be clear: they do not believe that constitutional rights and constitutional litigation were ever or are now the only or even the best means for advancing the struggle for labour rights for farm workers. However, the reality is that laws actively prescribe and sustain a particular balance of power. Laws actively construct relationships of domination/subordination and constrain the space for particular kinds of collective workplace action.

Examines the potential for labour and progressive social movement to use the values expressed in Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms to mobilize direct political action and to advocate for reform against the backdrop of austerity. [The authors] focus on historical examples of radical organizing that have leveraged constitutional values, as well as recent Canadian social movements. --Introduction

Current studies of regional integration in North America claim that this process is limited to the entering of intergovernmental agreements that aim to expand and enhance crossborder flows of goods and capitals between Mexico, Canada and the US. Such studies claim that the political effects of the process on nation-states are limited and constrained by the decisions of the national governments. In contrast, this thesis argues that the actions of transnational actors have increased the policy interdependence between the three countries in the arenas of environmental protection, labour cooperation and protection of foreign direct investment. Transnational actors have used, applied and interpreted the rules originally created by the intergovernmental agreements –NAFTA, NAAEC, BECA and NAALC– and have subsequently demanded additional and improved rules. Regional institutions have in turn responded to these demands by supplying new and improved regional rules. In doing so, transnational actors and regional institutions have furthered the policy interdependence between the three countries. This phenomenon, known in other contexts as institutionalisation, demonstrates that the process of regional integration in North America is more substantial than previous studies claim. In addition, it illustrates the relevance of the theories of Liberal Intergovernmentalism and Supranational Governance to the analysis of the emergence and development of the North American integration process.

The article reviews the book, "Constitutional Labour Rights in Canada: Farm Workers and the Fraser Case," by Fay Faraday, Judy Fudge and Eric Tucker.