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Cette étude examine l’influence d’engagements multiples envers l’organisation et le groupe de travail dans la prédiction des départs volontaires, en considérant les interactions entre les deux cibles et les effets principaux des dimensions d’engagement. Ce faisant, la présente étude innove en poursuivant une ligne de recherche émergente sur la façon dont des engagements multiples envers des cibles de travail emboitées s’articulent dans leur influence sur l’occurrence des départs volontaires. De plus, notre attention se porte particulièrement sur les interactions entre l’engagement organisationnel normatif et les dimensions d’engagement envers le groupe. En effet, des travaux récents suggèrent que l’engagement normatif peut voir sa signification perçue se modifier suivant le contexte intra-personnel créé par les autres dimensions d’engagement (Gellatly, Meyer et Luchak, 2006 ; Meyer, Stanley et Parfyonova, 2012). Nous explorons donc l’idée que l’engagement organisationnel normatif pourrait avoir des effets différents sur le risque de démission suivant qu’il s’accompagne d’un engagement affectif, normatif ou de continuité élevé envers le groupe. Sur la base d’une étude en deux temps de mesure espacés d’un an ( N = 268), les analyses révèlent que l’engagement organisationnel normatif présente un effet de réduction du risque de démission plus important lorsque l’engagement affectif envers le groupe est élevé, mais un effet de réduction du risque de démission plus faible lorsque l’engagement normatif envers le groupe est élevé, indiquant des interactions opposées entre les cibles d’engagement. De plus, l’engagement par manque d’alternatives est lié à un risque réduit de démission, cela seulement lorsque l’engagement de continuité envers le groupe est élevé. Enfin, l’engagement organisationnel affectif et l’engagement organisationnel par sacrifice perçu sont associés à un risque réduit de démission alors que l’engagement de continuité envers le groupe de travail augmente ce risque. Nous discutons la portée de ces résultats pour la compréhension du rôle des engagements multiples dans la rétention des employés. // English title: Well-being at Work: Contributions of a Person-centred Study. (English). This study examines the influence of multiple commitments toward the organization and the workgroup in predicting voluntary turnover by considering the interactions across foci and the main effects of commitment dimensions. In doing so, the present study innovates by pursuing an emerging line of research on how multiple commitments toward nested work foci combine each other in influencing the likelihood of voluntary leaving. In addition, we particularly focus on the interactions between normative organizational commitment and the dimensions of commitment to the workgroup. Indeed, recent studies suggest that normative commitment’s perceived meaning can change depending on the intra-personal context provided by the other commitments (Gellatly, Meyer, and Luchak, 2006 ; Meyer, Stanley, and Parfyonova, 2012). We thus explore the idea that normative organizational commitment may have different effects on the likelihood of leaving depending on whether it is accompanied by high affective, normative, or continuance commitment to the workgroup. Based on a study involving two measurement times spaced by one year (N = 268), analyses indicate that normative organizational commitment displays a stronger negative effect on turnover at high levels of affective commitment to the workgroup but a weaker effect on turnover at high levels of normative commitment to the workgroup, indicating opposite interactions across foci. In addition, lack of alternatives commitment is related to reduced turnover only when continuance commitment to the workgroup is high. Finally, affective organizational commitment and perceived sacrifice organizational commitment are associated with lower turnover while continuance commitment to the workgroup is related to higher turnover. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the role of multiple commitments in employee retention.

Discusses the turbulent history surrounding the screening of the film, "Salt of the Earth," by Local 480 of the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers' union in Trail, BC, in 1954. The Hollywood film, which is based on a true story of Chicano workers on strike at a mine in New Mexico, was blacklisted during the McCarthy era, as were many of the production's personnel. The paper is framed by the reminiscence of Anita Torres, who participated in the original 15-month-long strike, and who attended the screenings both in 1954 and in 2014 when it was commemorated.

The emergence of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) in the 1970s as the largest union in Canada was a major development in Canadian labour history and the result of extensive efforts to organize unorganized civil servants and public employees. Public sector union growth has often been thought to have differed fundamentally from the experience of private sector unions, on the grounds that union rights were extended to public sector workers without struggle. The history of CUPE New Brunswick, established in 1963, and its predecessor unions in the 1950s demonstrates the complex struggles of civil servants and public employees to acquire and then to apply collective bargaining rights in the province of New Brunswick. While the enactment of the Public Service Labour Relations Act (PSLRA) in 1968 provided a legal means for civil servants to join a union and bargain collectively, public sector workers continued to struggle for improved wages and working conditions throughout the 1970s and 1980s. These conflicts, which drew on both membership mobilization and legal strategies, are shown in detail in the experience of CUPE members in Local 963, New Brunswick Liquor Store Workers, and Local 1252, New Brunswick Council of Hospital Unions, the umbrella organization representing hospital support workers. While locals within CUPE New Brunswick worked independently of one another, the more than 200 CUPE locals in the province joined together in 1992 to resist measures introduced by the provincial Liberal government. While this was essentially a defensive struggle to protect existing rights, it also represented a challenge to the emerging policies of neo-liberalism and a culmination of a tradition of collective action within the union.

Based on qualitative interviews of workers, managers and labour inspectors in China, we examine how employers adjust, often in subtle fashions, to minimum wage increases. Our findings highlight the “law of unintended consequences” in that their effects are often “undone” or offset by subtle adjustments such as reductions in fringe benefits and in overtime work and overtime pay premiums that are otherwise valued by employees. Employees often feel that they are no better off in spite of minimum wage increases because of these offsetting adjustments. This study also suggests possible reasons for the small or zero effect of minimum wage on employment in China. Lack of enforcement may be one of the reasons, but the employees we interviewed seem well aware of the legal minimum wage and employers do not want to get involved in disputes over this matter. For employers who would otherwise be affected by the minimum wage increase, the cost increase is mitigated by the offsetting adjustments. As a result, minimum wages do not seem to weaken the competitive position of employers in China.

This article reviews the book, "Ain’t Got No Home: America’s Great Migrations and the Making of An Interracial Left," by Erin Royston Battat.

The article reviews the book, "Locked Out: A Century of Irish Working-Class Life," edited by David Convery.

Solitudes of the Workplace focuses on experiences of marginalization, uncertainty and segregation created by the hierarchical structures of categories in universities and by gendered identities. Studying a wider range of women’s roles in universities than prior research, the experiences of support staff, senior administrators, researchers, non-academic administrators, and contract teachers are added to those of faculty and students. The essays show how attempts to introduce new knowledge are manoeuvered and the resistance this process can encounter, as well as the ways in which institutional policies can blur and change identities. Addressing longstanding issues such as the entanglement of gender and the assessment of merit, attention is also given to how new identities are claimed and successfully projected. Essays presenting workers' points of view reveal the confusion that occurs when official policy and everyday knowledge conflict, when processes like tenure and other status changes create troublesome realities, and when it becomes routine to experience status denigration. Within the social order of the university and its existing boundaries, gender issues of past decades sometimes surface, but all too often remain an unspoken presence. Solitudes of the Workplace is a revealing look at the isolating experiences and inequities inherent in these institutional environments. --Publisher's description.

The aim of this paper is to conduct an exploratory analysis of the wider economic and social conditions associated with larger informal economies. To do this, three competing perspectives are evaluated critically which variously assert that cross-national variations in the size of the informal economy are associated with: under-development (modernization perspective); high taxes, corruption and state interference (neo-liberal perspective), or inadequate state intervention to protect workers (political economy perspective). Analyzing the variable size of the informal economy across 33 developed and transition economies, namely 28 European countries and five other OECD nations (Australia, Canada, Japan, New zealand and the USA), the finding is that larger informal economies are associated with under-development as measured by lower levels of GNI per capita, employment participation rates, average wages and the institutional strength and quality of the bureaucracy, higher levels of perceived public sector corruption, lower levels of expenditure on social protection and labour market intervention to protect vulnerable groups, but also restrictions on the use of temporary employment contracts and TWAs. The outcome is a tentative call to combine a range of tenets from all three perspectives in a new more nuanced and finer-grained understanding of how the cross-national variations in the size of the informal economy are associated with broader economic and social conditions. The paper concludes by discussing the implications for theory and policy, including the need for further analysis of the different impacts on the size of the informal economy of a wider range of indicators of modernization, corruption, taxation and types of state intervention.

Fréquemment, les chercheurs ont conceptualisé le conflit travail-famille de façon bidirectionnelle : l’étude des effets de la vie professionnelle à l’endroit de la vie de famille (appelé conflit travail-famille) et celle des effets de la vie de famille à l’égard de la vie d’emploi (appelé conflit famille-travail). Toutefois, les résultats inhérents aux recherches basées sur cette conceptualisation se sont avérés controversés. Autrement dit, très peu d’effort a été déployé afin de différencier entre les effets des différentes formes de ce conflit. Pourtant, Greenhaus et Beutell (1985) en ont proposé une conceptualisation multidimensionnelle, en ajoutant aux deux dimensions directionnelles trois autres supplémentaires liées au conflit de temps, d’effort et de comportement. Ainsi, notre recherche répond à la question générale suivante: la conceptualisation multidimensionnelle du conflit travail-famille est-elle plus efficace pour cerner la réalité de ce phénomène que la conceptualisation bidirectionnelle ? À partir d’un échantillon de 375 sujets provenant du personnel infirmier d’un centre hospitalier, nous avons privilégié une conceptualisation multidimensionnelle dudit conflit (Greenhaus et Beutell, 1985), et ce, afin d’identifier les effets spécifiques aux diverses dimensions de ce conflit. Pour ce faire, nous avons utilisé l’analyse en termes des cartes autoorganisatrices de Kohonen (SOM), cartes qui sont basées sur un réseau de neurones résultant de la méthode d’apprentissage non supervisée (Kohonen, 2001). Les résultats de l’analyse neuronale indiquent qu’il y a six formes de conflit. Deux d’entre elles paraissent générer des effets similaires à ceux obtenus selon la conceptualisation bidirectionnelle (conflit à haute intensité versus conflit à basse intensité), tandis que les quatre autres formes apparaissent engendrer des effets spécifiques, justifiant la nécessité d’appliquer la conceptualisation multidimensionnelle préconisée. En outre, l’analyse de variance appliquée aux données a révélé plusieurs différences significatives entre les six formes de ce conflit et des variables externes liées à des facteurs explicatifs dudit conflit, ainsi qu’à ses conséquences. Cette nouvelle taxonomie, basée sur la conceptualisation multidimensionnelle des conflits travail-famille, contribue à une meilleure compréhension de l’interférence entre la sphère de la vie familiale et celle de la vie professionnelle, en identifiant les formes spécifiques du conflit travail-famille au niveau desquelles une ou plusieurs sources de conflictualité sont en action. Des avenues de recherche et des implications managériales sont déduites à la lumière des résultats enregistrés.

Although the literature on comparative capitalism has been expanded to encompass the Mixed Market Economies (MMEs) of the Mediterranean world and other less mature institutional arrangements, it can be argued that more attention needs to be accorded to internal diversity within capitalist archetypes and the nature and path of change. In focusing on the latter, this paper explores changes in Industrial relations (Ir) regulation and practice in Greece which, since the onset of the economic crisis, has shifted towards lighter regulation; however, liberalization has not meant convergence with the mature Liberal Market Economy (LME) model and its presumed associated complementarities. Based on current developments and advances in the literature on comparative capitalism, this study explores the process and dynamics of institutional change, and the long continuities that set Greece apart from both ‘disorganized’ LMEs and other MMEs. This encompasses issues such as the composition of elites, the nature of institutional path dependence and change, and the uneven and partial nature of what constitutes institutional functionality. Whilst the Greek system is commonly condemned as dysfunctional, it satisfies specific economic interests. Being impelled in one direction by a progressive movement from below, it is driven in another by external pressures, and, at home, by “unpatriotic” elites, who have little interest in stronger regulation, and may well be served by weaker governmental capabilities. As local economic elites seek to reposition themselves within the system in order to cope with shifts in the capitalist economy, it may result in them further narrowing their focus onto their own immediate concerns accommodated through economic liberalization. Smaller, marginal, players may be pushed further out of the system and/or actively choose to withdraw, the attempts of the present government to ameliorate the shocks of liberalization notwithstanding. This vests the organized labour and other civil society associations with great historic importance.

This latest collection in our State Trials series, the fourth, looks at the legal issues raised by the repression of dissent from the outset of World War One through the 1930s and the Great Depression. Topics covered include enemy aliens, conscription and courts-martial in World War I, the trials following the Winnipeg General Strike, sedition laws and prosecutions generally and their application to labour radicals in particular, the 1931 trial of the Communist Party leaders, and the religious-political dissent of the Doukhobors. All regions of the country are covered, and special attention given in one essay to Quebec’s repression of radicalism. The volume focusses attention on older manifestations of contemporary dilemmas: what are the acceptable limits of dissent in a democracy, and what limits should be placed on state responses to perceived challenges to its authority. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Labor and the Locavore: The Making of a Comprehensive Food Ethic," by Margaret Gray.

This article provides information on the labour market participation of Canadians 25 to 64 years of age with a physical or mental disability related to seeing, hearing, mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain, learning, development, psychological/mental disorders or memory.

There are 136,600 artists in Canada who spent more time at their art than at any other occupation in May of 2011 (which is when the National Household Survey data were collected). The number of artists represents 0.78% of the overall Canadian labour force. One in every 129 Canadian workers is an artist. The number of artists (136,600) is slightly higher than the labour force in automotive manufacturing (133,000) and slightly lower than the labour force in the utilities sector (149,900) and telecommunications (158,300). --Executive Summary

The project Leadership, Feminism and Equality in Unions in Canada (2012) explored the current practices, climate around, and attitudes to women, feminism, leadership, and equality through the insights, voices, and experiences of forty-four women union lead- ers, activists, and staff. This article outlines what we did: what prompted the project and its goals, methodology, activities, output, and results for participants. It also includes a summary of some findings that underscore the significance of the project.This project points to the permeability between and among breaking the silence, movement building, and union education. It asks what kind of union education is rel- evant and available for seasoned activists, leaders, and educators. It found that an ongoing process of what might be called politicized education is critical. Certainly this group of union women benefited from re-politicizing their individual experiences, per- haps what could be called “re-organizing.”

Objective: We examined disparities in hazardous employment characteristics and working conditions among Chinese and white workers in Toronto, Canada.Design. We used self-administered questionnaire data from a 2005–2006 population-based survey (n = 1611). Using modified Poisson regression, we examined the likelihood for Chinese workers of experiencing adverse exposures compared to whites. Models were stratified by sex and adjusted for differences in human capital. Work sector was conceptualized as a mediating variable.Results. Chinese workers were generally more likely to report adverse exposures. In many cases, disparities were only evident or more pronounced among women. The shorter length of time in Canada of Chinese relative to whites accounted for some of the observed disparities. Meanwhile, the higher educational level of Chinese compared to whites provided them with no protection from adverse exposures. The risk of experiencing discrimination on the labor market and at work was more than 50% higher among Chinese men and women as compared to whites, and those disparities, though reduced, persisted after adjustment for confounders.Conclusions. Discrimination is far more prevalent among Chinese than among whites and may explain their disproportionate exposure to other hazards.

So-called ‘transient workers’ from Quebec and Atlantic Canada made up a significant proportion of Ontario’s tobacco harvest workforce in the postwar era, though there is no existing research on this migrant population. Based on analysis of an unexamined archive, the article explores the relationship between seasonal transient workers, Ontario tobacco growers, and the federal Canadian government during the 1960s and 1970s. Migrants harnessed strategic forms of mobility or marketplace agency in precarious, unorganized and seasonal tobacco work. Further, the deepening of migrant precarity in Ontario agriculture can in part be traced back to this period of conflict between transients, tobacco growers and different levels of the Canadian government. Migrant precarity did not go uncontested among this population. Managed migration programs, still operational today, reflect the attempt to undermine migrants’ informal mobility agency. Transients travelled to find tobacco jobs with few constraints or pressures other than the compulsion to gain wages, using their relative freedom of mobility strategically, especially in public spaces, to disrupt local micro-hegemonies in tobacco areas. Government programs to manage farm labour migration were unveiled during this period in part to displace transients and solve a widely reported “transient problem” in tobacco.

Describes the activities of the Temporary Foreign Workers Association in Quebec, that was founded in 2001 to organize temporary and transient workers.

In a rebuttal to Haley's article in the same issue, the authors argue that the labour movement has stood for regulated resource extraction that would benefit Canadian society and enfroce environmental standards.

Discusses the UNIFOR initiative to develop community union chapters for workers who are generally excluded from union membership.